2009年1月28日 星期三

最昂贵的政党是中国共产党

我早就讲过:

旧制度下的教会、专制时代的国民党是有限公司,已经十恶不赦。

而中供是无限公司……





作者:穆正亲斤

一、国民党党产加上2004年美国总统选举开销,相当于中供一个月的养党费用。

相信不少人听说过中国国民党的“巨额党产”。据台湾《中国时报》今年3月4日报道,国民党各种党产的账面价值约为四百亿台币,但实际净值可能不到二百亿台币。在台湾的政治环境下,这笔党产非常惹眼因而备受民进党的攻击。以西方国家的标准看,巨额党产让人觉得该党奢侈甚或够得上腐败。但如果和海峡对岸的中供比起来,国民党只能算超廉洁。从性质上讲,国民党是私产养党,而中供用公款养党。从数量上讲,国民党的党产只是中供养党费用的零头。四百亿台币党产折合人民币约一百亿元。按中国共惨党目前的消费水平算,约等于两个星期的花销。

中供还喜欢宣传美国总统大选的开支如何如何巨大。根据美国联邦选举委员会网站公布的数字,2004美国总统大选花费总额为十亿零一百六十五万美元。折合人民币八十多亿。还不够中供两周的养党费。

国民党党产累积了近百年,美国总统大选经费筹集了四年。中供把这么多的钱用光,只要一个月。

这还是从低估算中供养党开销的水平后得出的结论。如果把全部被中供独占的资源都算成养党费的话,上述两笔巨款还不够中供一个礼拜的花销。本文稍后会就估算方法作具体说明。欢迎各位挑剔或者提出不同的估算方法。但本人自信其他人不太可能找到更保守更省的算法。

有人想说:“中供根本没有党产!”。这没错。中供从未造册登记过党产。但没有党产不等于不需要花钱养党,更不等于养党花销水平低。上帝造这个世界的时候定好了“能量守恒”的定律。谁也违背不了。没有能源就不能活动,没有投入就没有产出。没有经济基础,哪来上层建筑?你看看那些占地广大设备优良的中供中央机关区以及各省委大院、市委大楼、直至县区乡镇街道党委、各种院校及军警部队党委所使用的办公设施等等,难道都是当初毛主席拔了几根毫毛吹口气变成的吗?那数百万红润饱满、仪态轩昂的书记常委主任政委等专职党干们,难道都是喝着西北风为党工作的吗?那隆重排场的全国党代表大会,难道是各地党代表们背着干粮夹着雨伞步行到北京,在农贸市场边上捡个旮旯蹲下来抽几袋烟就能开成的吗?不靠报纸电台电视台电影戏剧歌曲图书教材直至连环画等一切宣传形式进行长时间高强度的自我表扬,光凭着毛主席那“女高音男声”叫两嗓子,就能让全国人民来个“募然回首,那党正在,伟光正亮处”?

维持任何组织都需要资源。维持世界上最庞大的执政党当然需要最大量的钱。不夸张地说,中供一党的养党经费足够供养全世界所有非共产国家的执政党还有很大剩余。这事实已经存在了几十年,证据俯拾皆是,任何人均可自行观察验证。比较一下一个中供普通县委和一个西方国家执政党省级党部的花费,前者肯定是后者的许多倍。富一点的中供县委的花销水平还可能盖过西方执政党的中央机构。不信你到加拿大任何一个省会城市的街上去打听一下执政党的“省委大院在哪里?”。一开始被问的人会感到莫明其妙。请你契而不舍坚持打听,最终会被引到某栋商业写字楼中的几间屋子里去。这就是西方执政党的“省委机关”。这里没有威严的大门高墙以及把门武警;没有多到需要编号的楼宇和别墅群;没有气派非凡的公用大车队和首长专用小车队;没有“省委印刷厂”、“省委招待所”、“省委机关幼儿园 ”、“省委大礼堂”,大灶中灶小灶餐厅、诊所商店等等。通通没有。一共就是三几间屋子几部电脑加上不到十个雇员而已。请问中供哪个县委机关工作人员少于十个?哪个县委书记不配备公家小车?有几个县委机关不盖办公楼?别说县委,很多中国乡镇党委的机关都比西方的省级党部阔。曾见报道说,河南某乡党委机构,与乡政府一起坐落在一个占地14亩的宫殿式建筑物里,有城楼、有观礼台、有花园,还有个小广场。仅楼顶的两座钟,就花掉三万元人民币。相信你走遍美加两国也找不到一个执政党的“省委机关”能有这等的气派。

西方执政党的中央机关呢?通过水门事件我们知道,美国主要执政党之一的民主党中央机关也没有自己的办公楼。该党长期租用商业楼里的几间屋子来办公。且连个 “保卫处”也没有,“中央警卫团”对他们来说是域外词汇。保卫党中央的重任是由物业公司的看门老头承担的。这付穷酸样,和那些拥有独立豪华办公楼的中供县委机关怎么比?

西方执政党更不可能象中供那样把党务机构从中央政府一直办到幼儿园里去。他们在省/州以下基本不设党务机构。就算设了也往往没有办公室,党务工作全靠党员们义务维持。本人在加拿大出席观察过一个大城市党部的年会。会上“市委第一把手”(一退休老太婆)在报告上年党务活动时先感谢几个党员无偿提供家中场所让她们开“常委会”(董事会)。分管财务的女士报告说该“市委”去年募捐所得四千多加元,加上“党中央”下拨三千加元用于全国性竞选活动,总收入七千余加元。而光是给全市党员发一封信就要用掉近千。所以各方面只能从简。开小会就借党员的家,大一点的会则租教堂举行。一个在级别上相当于中供南京市委或者武汉市委的党部如此贫穷,实在有辱“资产”阶级政党的称号。七千加元相当于四万多人民币。还不够一个中供县委一星期的开销。也就是说,抽出中供一、两个县委的经费,就能把美加两国所有省会城市执政党“市委”的财务摆平。抽出十来个条件好一点的中供县委的经费,还能把这两个国家的执政党从中央到地方的所有党务机构维持费统统包下来。牛不牛?

由中国统计年鉴得知,中供目前有44067个乡镇街道党委、2861个县级党委、333个地市级党委、31个省级党委和一个庞大无比的党中央。此外还有成千上万的院、校、系、所、军、师、旅、团党委等等。养党经费之巨可想而知。可以很保险地说,剔除朝鲜越南古巴等几个同样昂贵的公养政党后,拿出养活几百个中供县委的资金,便足够维持全球所有其他国家的执政党的党务机构。说中供全党的养党费足够维持十来个地球上的所有非公养执政党的党务机关,决不是开玩笑。

中供标榜自己“从不花一分钱搞竞选”。这是很无耻的说法。中供不搞竞选并非为了给国家省钱,而是知道自己经不起竞选故而禁止竞选。为了保证本党“无论如何也要当权”的不光彩事业,中供把百倍以上的钱填进去了。各国的竞选经费是为国家花的钱而不是养护执政党的钱。反对党筹集的竞选经费无疑是“反党反政府活动经费”。实际上,各国竞选经费相当于社会为汰旧换新而付出的代价。它有如四年一次的“月经来潮”,出点血以达到暴露弊端、排遣废旧组织、更新国家机能的目的。而中供养党花销完全是从利己原则出发的损公肥私开支,它如同将多个针头插在国家的血管上,让全民的财富日夜不停地往自己身上滴。请问到底哪种花销对人民的损耗更厉害?

二、不置党产是因为用公款养党。

中供这“无产”阶级政党富冠全球。零收入却超阔绰,明摆着“收入与开支不符”。奥秘在哪里?手通国库、公款无尽也。中供说的是:“我党除了人民的利益之外决没有自己的利益”。但它做的却是“我党除了花人民的钱之外决不掏自己的腰包”。公款来自人民交纳的税赋。国家即便处于战争状态下也不会停止征税收费。所以中供的养党经费永远“旱涝保收”,决不会有资金困难的问题。国库这样的金钱之海,一旦拥有,何须他求?还用得着操闲心去整什么党产吗?泡在国库里“保持无产阶级本色”,舒服又光荣,谁不乐意干?

说国民党比共惨党廉洁。最重要的一点就是国民党以私产养党,而中供用公款养党。国民党党产的起始资本为早年海外华侨给孙中山的捐款,后投入工商经营逐渐积累增值。这种资产不象国家税收那样稳定,很难逃避市场风险和社会危机的影响。抗战期间国民党企业遭受严重损失,党产也随之大幅萎缩。虽然台湾民进党多年指控国民党“党库通国库”。但证据并不充分。民进党已经掌权多年,凭借政权的力量去找国民党的茬。国民党若有“党库通国库”的粗大证据的话早被挖出来了。迄今未见民进党拿出像样的证据,倒说明国民党公私分明的功课做得并不差,经得起敌意十足的调查。可以预见,即便将来真挖出点东西,数额也不会很大。

1949年戒严军进军全国时,许多民众幸灾乐祸地看着国民党败退。他们讨厌国民党政府的苛捐杂税,期盼着中供这声称要“推翻三座大山”的政权会让他们的日子过得松活些。然而没过几天人们就吃惊地发现这“人民政权”比国民党政府贵多了。国民党的省市县党部是靠党产维持的民营社团。而共惨党的省市县党委却是坚决吃公款的“国家机关”。中供所说的“我党一切为人民”,原来是“人民养我之一切”意思。羊毛出在羊身上,“人民政权”吃人民。中国人身上的税捐负担倒比国民党时期更加沉重。一些老辈人说,解放初期人们常在私下里慨叹的一句话是:国民党千岁(税),共惨党万岁(税)万万岁(税)呀!

万官贪污不抵一党窃国。公款养党是窃国行为,其罪恶程度超过一切经济犯罪的总和。国共党员都有贪污行为。但贪污毕竟是不可告人的暗中舞弊捞财;而共惨党是全党出动大张旗鼓轰轰烈烈波澜壮阔地吞噬公款。国民党至少能在公开场合下旗帜鲜明地拒绝和谴责党库通国库的行为。中供连这点也做不到。中供几十年来一直旗帜鲜明地用公款养自己。共惨党人从不以窃国为耻,倒气势汹汹地随时准备捍卫党的窃国权。在他们看来,党既然打下了江山,接着坐江山吃江山就是顺理成章的事。谁敢在中国大陆公开主张停止使用公款而改由自行募捐养党的话,谁就是共惨党的仇敌。别说提停止公款养党,哪怕提一提“削减养党开支以减轻人民负担”的建议也是严重犯忌,共惨党决不容忍。

政党私营,募捐养党。这是世界通则。各国 “资产”阶级执政党之所以都面临资金短缺的问题,最重要的原因是沾公款很难。各国的舆论界和反对党盯得很紧,执政党稍不留意就会被抓把柄。美国民主党人出任过多届美国总统,但他们别说批点钱给本党盖栋办公楼,更小的事都不好办。克林顿当政时,曾有国会议员追究副总统戈尔用白宫的电话和党内干部讨论为党募集经费的事情。那议员说戈尔用公家设备办私事,一旦查实就要判他的罪。这样的指控让我们中国人听来简直荒谬透顶:明明是党中央领导上班时间打电话过问一下“ 党的建设”情况。居然会有罪!如果哪天中供领导愿意讨论放弃公款而改靠募捐过活的新“党建”方针的话,中国人民只会烧高香道万福举行大庆贺,哪里会想到去问什么罪。这美国议员要在我们中国,轻松点说是有病,严肃点说就是欠劳教。

三、怎样界定“养党费”。

中供要人民养党,是不可拒绝、不可讲价并且也是不可查询的。中供几十年如一日地吞噬公款,从来不向人民报个帐、说明一下本党的花销。自己不报告也不许他人过问。这使得使清查中供养党费用相当困难。目前这方面的资料几乎是空白。不能不承认,我们对支撑共惨党生存的庞大经济基础的了解是粗浅的。而不能全面正确地了解共惨党生存的经济基础,有关共惨党的知识就是不完整的。因此核算中供养党费用的事必须做,早就该做。如果目前还做不到精确计算,估出一个比较合理的数额来也是很有意义的。

那么,怎样估算中供的养党费用?哪些开支应该包括在内,哪些不应该?

广义上讲,任何被共惨党用于养护自己的费用都是养党费。被共惨党占用谋私的国家公器,比如戒严军、国家电台电视台报刊出版机构等等,所发生的费用都可以算入“广义养党费”。从资金来源上看,“广义养党费”既包括公款,也包括私款。考察“广义养党费”无疑是很有意义的。它让我们知道支撑共惨党存在所需的经济基础有多么庞大;“从不花一分钱搞竞选”的说法多么虚伪;共惨党长期霸占国民公器是怎样一种大规模的以权谋私的恶行等等。

但本文要考察估算的并不是上述广义的养党费用,而是比较严格限定的“专用养党费”。“专用养党费”必须符合两个条件:

第一条、项目上,必须是专为共惨党而创设的项目。就是说该费用除了服务于共惨党外再没有别的用处。可以说“没有共惨党就没有这种费”。正常国家的纳税人不负担这种开支。一旦中供下台,中国也会废除这些养党项目,人民就可以卸除这部分经济负担。例如从中央到各省市县乡街道、以及学校及军队里的党委、支部等党务机构所耗用的资金,无疑属于“专用养党费”。正常国家里的纳税人养政府养军队,但不养执政党。加拿大联邦政府大楼里没有自由党“中央办公厅”的位置。台湾淡江大学各院系不必向民进党“校党委”的请示汇报;小鹰号航舰上也不会有共和党“舰党委”办公室。中国人从1949年起就毫无道理地供养着上上下下成千上万个中供党务机构,实乃千古奇冤,旷世奇冤。把中供赶下台就等于在经济上从中国人民头上搬走N座大山。人民辛辛苦苦缴纳的税金就可以省出来用于人民的福利。中国大批失学的孩子,贫困的农民,严重污染恶化的生态环境,将能得到好一些的照料。

让我以中国军费为例来说明这一条的应用。

如果采用广义标准的话,整个中国军费都算中供养党费。因为中供独占国家军队并坚拒军队国家化,戒严军成了中供一党的“党卫军”或私家卫队。国家军费即相当于中供的“家丁费”或者“护党费”。中供既然有胆公开地独占国家军队,自应当负责任地认下这笔军费开支账。既想独占服务而又拒绝买单,用社会学词汇讲叫做 “黑社会组织消费行为”,用刑法衡量就是“流氓团伙罪”。所以,除非中供把军队还给国家,否则这笔“广义帐”它赖不掉。

但用“专用养党费 ”标准衡量,国家军费不符合“没有共惨党就没有这种费”这一条。国家横竖要养军队,即便没有共惨党的时候也这样。因此军费不能全部算入“ 专用养党费”。中国军费中应该算入“专用养党费”的,是那些用于政委、教导员、指导员、中供中央军委以及军内各级党委支部的费用。这些是专用于保证中供控制军队的费用。一旦共惨党下台,国家就不再需要养活党中央军委和军内各级党委,中国军队也不必保留政委教导员指导员等等党干的编制了。因此,我把这些开销算入“专用养党费”。这样算起来,中国军警武装部门计入养党费的金额约为六十多亿人民币,而不是几千亿的军费。

第二条、来源上,必须是公款。具体说,“专用养党费”的资金来源限定为国家财政资金,国有企、事业资金以及各级政府以不同名目向人民摊派征收而得来的资金。这一条把私人自愿贡献的资金排除在外。这是因为公款养党是一种罪行,而私款养党则是正当行为。将来中国所有政党都必须私营。中供下台后如能依法登记并以募捐养活自己的话,我们将乐见其存在。依这一条,以下两项开支不算“专用养党费”:1、中供党员个人交纳的党费支付的项目,这属于私人贡献。2、非国有企业内的党委、支部、党办等机构的维持费用。虽然很多“集体”所有制企业并非自愿地供养中供党务机构,但这类企业接近民营性质,国家一般不为它们承担风险。所以它们的养党开支勉强可以算作私款贡献。共惨党下台后,国家应制定法律,让民营企业在规定的限额与方式下向政党提供政治献金。但国有企业就不行。国有企业资产是全民公有的财产,国有企业的风险由国家承担着。用国有企业资金维持党务机构就是公款养党。将来必须禁止。

顺便说说中供党费的价值。中供有几千万党员,交纳的党费数额也很大。但相对于天文数字般的养党开销来说,这笔收入仍然是个微不足道的量。人无横财不富,党无公款不壮。单靠党费维持的话,中供很可能在 1921年8月就散伙了。中供领导向来不把党费收入看在眼里。中供中央组织部1998年1月6日印发了《关于中国共惨党党费收缴、管理和使用的规定》,其中第三条“党费使用”规定:“党费必须用于党的活动,主要作为党员教育经费的补充,其具体使用范围是:(1) 培训党员;(2)订阅或购买用于开展党员教育的报刊、资料和设备;(3)表彰先进基层党组织、优秀共惨党员和优秀党务工作者;(4)补助生活困难的党员 ”。

看见了吧?“主要作为党员教育经费的补充”而已。一个支部的党员每月所交的党费,也许够支付该支部当月的书报杂志、学习材料、周末郊游、联欢抽奖、观看革命电影等费用了。但那办公楼宇、那辉煌装修、舒适空调、电脑手机,丰田宝马,头等机票、星级酒店等等重大革命开销从哪里出?国库,只有国库,才是共惨党活力旺发、威严长存的源泉。

考察“专用养党费”比考察广义养党费更有意义。因为“专用养党费”是由于共惨党的存在而额外产生的社会开销。是伴随着共产制度而发生的特有的罪恶。各国都有执政党滥用国家公器以谋私利的现象。但谋私谋到为一党利益而专门设计出一整套吞噬公款的养党体系的现象就只有在中国朝鲜等极少数国家里才有。这套养党体系将会随着共产制度的灭亡而被永远抛弃。考察“专用养党费”还使我们了解中国纳税人比正常国家的纳税人多承受了哪些额外的负担。为什么中国人的社会福利远远不如法国而“税负痛苦指数”却紧随法国而名列世界第二。考察“专用养党费”更使我们知道,推翻共惨党统治不但是政治上的大解放,同时也是经济负担的大卸除。

本文中提到的“养党费”都指“专用养党费”。关于各项养党费用的具体估算,请见附录部分。

四、雨露滋润禾苗壮,公款养肥共惨党。

这世界上最具有社会主义特色的事物之一就是公款养党。公款喂养和“伟大光荣正确”政党之间的联系十分紧密。凡是靠公款喂养的执政党,都具有光辉伟大的形象,都享有最高的人民拥戴率。包括金正日那个瘪三王朝在内的全球仅存的几个“无产”阶级政权无一例外地被公款养得十分光鲜肥壮。而一旦失去公款喂养,靠着 “求爷爷告奶奶”的募捐方式维持时,党的形象立即和“伟大光荣正确”无缘。苏共到俄共的变迁提供了一个极好的例证。我们都记得苏联共惨党曾是怎样地荣耀。在叶利钦把该党取缔并将其财产收归国有。但并不阻止苏共换个名称重建。叶利钦毕竟是老共惨党员,对共惨党的生存机制一清二楚。深知“恢复其无产阶级本色” 乃是打击共惨党最有效的措施。果然不出所料。换名成立后的俄罗斯共惨党,在规模上仍为俄罗斯头号大党,且其党员也还占据着政府、军警保安以及学术机构里面的大部分要职,各方面条件都很强。仅仅因为失去了公款喂养的条件,该党维持“伟光正”形象的任务立刻就难于李白过蜀道。谁不相信这个说法可以去问问俄共中央宣传部,看他们下一次“百部优秀革命传统影视作品大推广”的计划何时能启动?资金设备何时到位,专业技术人员何时配齐?作品出来后如何组织各条战线干部群众观看讨论接受教育等等。我想可能还不等你问完,他们就会回答说:党库里那几个卢布还不够给中央领导以及老布尔什维克亲属们供应伏特加呢。革命传统教育的事就先放一放吧。

最令人称奇一点的是巨额公款能养出一个党的“大公无私、艰苦朴素”形象。如今普通中国人并不会觉得自己辛苦纳税供养着一个全世界最昂贵的政党,反倒坚信是其他国家那些需要借党员的家开会的穷党们在搞“金钱政治”。中国老话说,有钱能使鬼推磨。“鬼推磨”是怎么样的,没人看到过。但共惨党借助公款的确做到了 “有钱能使鬼蒙人”。公款鬼蒙人的特点是多方位大剂量天天蒙月月蒙年年蒙。中国人从童年开始所接触到的教师、干部甚至长辈以及所有的文字和音像都反复地说,不是人民供养了党,而是党养育了每一个中国人。你有饭吃有衣服穿是党恩,你能上学是党恩,能成长能进步都是党恩。你“自然而然”地确认了共惨党的无上威严和恩情。党没有告诉你说党花了多少钱来养自己,你也会“自然而然”地觉得党中央和各级党委领导们没花钱就拥有了办公大楼,就有了优厚薪俸,就能坐着豪华小车到处转等等。这里你丝毫感觉不出这严重的能量不守恒。你只是从心里觉得拥有这样的党除了幸福还是幸福。

不由分说强征每个人100元用于养党,这党一定要遭到人民痛骂。再强征每个人200元,100元用于镇压对党不满的声音,另100元用于对人民进行“正面思想教育”,这党就会受到人民高度拥护。这就是共惨党的“辩证法”最绝之处。敛财力度和花钱额度登峰造极时,“无产”阶级政党的光辉形象就树立起来了。厚至而达无形,黑透而显无色,奢极而成“无产”。这是世界几百年,中国几千年才能出现的一次恶迹。

附录:各项养党费用估算

下面把养党费的几个主要项目列出来,欢迎各位评判。

利用上述专用养党费的两条标准,可以借助一个简便的方法去认定具体的养党项目。那就是把机构和其他国家对比。凡是中供的养党机构,要么在正常国家里找不到对应的机构,要么虽然能找到名称相似的机构,但资金来源完全不同,功能性质也完全不同。以下分项目说明中供的养党费用。

第一项,中国各级“五套班子”中,有三点一套养党。

各国政党执政是指该党“组阁”,党务机构仍靠自己募捐养活。中供则把全套党务机构甩给纳税人供养。中国的各级政权,除去乡镇一级外,每级都有五套班子:党委、纪委、政府、人大、政协。和正常国家相比,这五套班子中只有政府和人大这两套可以在其他国家找到对应的机构。而党委、纪委和政协这三套完全多是出来的。中国的政府本来就以臃肿庞大著称,中国人民负担世界上最庞大臃肿的政府机构已经很不公平了,在此之上还要再供养三套以上同样臃肿的养党机构,就更不公平了。

前面已经提过中供各级党委机关的庞大与阔气。人们此也早已熟知。这里再补充一点人们在各级党委驻地所看不到的奢侈。中供不但用公款兴建办公设施,还用公款兴建休养设施。这些休假的设施经常占据着风景旅游胜地内的最好地段。省委的休养地通常建在本省一两处地方。而中央级的休养设施则遍布全国多处地区。这些设施常以隐秘独占方式管理。宁可长期闲置也不对游客开放。而在闲置期间始终保持足够的招待和维护人员,定期清扫更换,日夜值班待命。这种管理方式给中供领导人的穷奢极侈提供了良好的掩护。人们偶然从陈希同案中看到一点点这类安乐窝的真面目。各级党委究竟经营着多少同样或者更奢侈安乐窝,谁能说得清?根据丁抒的《人祸》一书,1960年前后正当中国陷入空前严重的大饥荒时,各省市竞相为毛泽东建宾馆以及带游泳池的“水晶宫”。上海市委书记柯庆施,在原本已有许多高级宾馆的情况下,又为毛兴建规模宏大的西郊宾馆,连同园林、花木,占地一千多亩。(上海市委称它为“四一四工程”。)内有一百多人长年守着空别墅待命。而十几年里,毛总共只住了几天,浪费的金钱不计其数。毛泽东一九五九年六月回韶山时,指定在滴水洞为他建别墅。毛自己当然一分钱不出。国家为这工程从一九六○年下半年开工,直到六二年底才完成。从此一个连守卫着那片空房,直到一九六六年六月才盼到其主人去住了几天。即使用不着也要照花钱,可见共惨党挥霍人民的血汗劳动成果是多么地随意。

为什么政协和各“民主党派”也是共惨党的养党机构?

有人可能不理解为什么要把政协机关经费也算入专用养党费。其实对照专用养党费的两个条件不难理解。政协机关靠公款维持这一条是众所周知的。政协机关的日常维持费用以及每年的政协会务费用均由国家财政拨款提供。这一点不会有疑问。可能产生疑问的地方在于政协机关是否是“专为共惨党利益而设置”。让我做进一步说明。

从组织人事上看,众所周知政协主席必须是同级中供党委的常委。而政协常委人选,要么须经中供审核批准,要么干脆由中供派人去充任。我的一位中学老师,就是被共惨党派去当本市民盟负责人兼市政协常委的。我们同学曾听说老师争取加入中供,没想到他最后入了民盟。师生相聚时有同学戏问老师道:是否因为中供不收,您才愤然改入民盟?老师否认并郑重其事地说:“组织上认为我在党外能发挥更好的作用。到民盟去不过是在不同岗位上为党工作而已。我不能和组织上计较这个 ”。我这才知道原来老师是被“组织上”派到民盟去“工作”的。怪不得他入民盟不久就被该盟“选”为副总干事后来又被“推举”进了政协。原来一切早由“组织上”安排好了。老师是中供长期“思想改造”恶政的受害人。显然认为党的“团结知识分子的政策”是好的,用什么手段去执行都可以。其实不仅民盟,任何一个中供掌股中的“民主党派”都不例外。

从功能上看,这些名为“政党”的团体却坚决不要执政,唯一愿意做的事情就是给共惨党打下手,让党永远放心。它们跟中供的下级支部同样忠诚。政协会议“协调各党”其实不过是“召集党外支部做出拥共姿态”的另类说法。这种“多党合作”分明是一党操盘的多簧骗局。这是共惨党所干的最不要脸的事情之一:派党员去扮成“外党人士”的样子,然后再凑过来深沉凝重地秀一番“肝胆相照、荣辱与共”戏。真叫人恶心。

由执政党批钱养一群“在野党”。这种奇事好像在前苏联也没有过。这既说明中供对国库极尽挥霍之能事,更反映出中供领导人深重自卑的内心。中供领导虽然铁心要独裁,但也知道独裁不光彩。“称孤道寡”的确很受世人鄙夷。为了填补这种难忍的自卑,就挖空心思地组织人马演出“多党合作制”。希望通过“民主”表演活动来冲淡独裁者丑陋的形象。每年的“两会”期间,这种多簧配合的段子照例上演一回。别看戏路单调乏味,演出的费用却很沉重。虽然每年演出时间只有几天,要命的是所有的“戏班子”都必须常设。从中央到每个县市都必须设立政协并“按规定”组建若干“民主党派”。这样一来,中国纳税人还得常年供养着从中央到县级这样一套数目庞大的“在野党”。其他各国纳税人只养政府。而中国纳税人养了政府还要养执政党,已经够冤了。岂知这还没完。中供意犹未尽还要人民再养些“在野党”以美化自己。税上加税,冤上加冤。有朝一日政权还给人民,政协这骗人的养党机构必须废除,肮脏开支必须立即停止。现有的这几个冒牌的“党”,要么去组建独立的政党,要么正式并入中供恢复其“支部”的本来面目。不管执政还是在野,统统都自行去向民间募捐养活自己,不许再吃纳税人的钱。

五套班子中还有零点一套养党机构在哪里?

党委、纪委、政协,这是各级五套班子中的三套班子。但何来三点一套之说?这“零点一套”养党机构在哪里?它在“人民政府”这套班子里,是中供安插在政府里的党组、党办和一些神秘性的党务机构。

美国劳工部里有共和党“党组”的编制吗?不可能有。布什最多能派共和党人去当部长。他要敢在里面设本党党组,国会一定饶不了他。而中国的各级“人民政府” 里却设立着大量的中供“党组”。外加一个统管性质的“直属机关党委”。从国务院各部委司局到省市政府的各部门均照此办理。党组比党委小,但往往也有专门的办公室和秘书等专职干部。深圳市委书记黄丽满的简历中,有“1982年后,任电子工业部党组办公室副处级秘书、副主任(正处级)”的记录。显示一个部级党组的摊子还不小。这些党组占用政府公务员编制和办公设备。给国家增加了额外负担。中供本来没有必要在政府部门里叠床架屋地设那么多党组。明明已经有了各级党委,且政府各部门里重要的职务也都由中供党员担任。有些地方的市委和市府还在同一座大院里或同一栋大楼里办公。市府的一举一动都逃不过市委的眼睛。党对政府的控制已经达到超严密程度了。还有什么不放心的?可见共惨党是一类内心永无安宁的政治动物。“失控”的忧虑永远存在,监控的机关永远不嫌多。反正是国库的钱,不花白不花,机构不设白不设。一切有人群的地方都要有党组织看管着。支部要建在幼儿园上,党组要设进部委厅局。“党组”遍布政府各个部门,数量很多,所耗用的公款不是小数字。

各级政府里还有一些神秘机构。你也许听过“省府或市府N办”这类名称。这种机构通常是政府里的一个专项办公室或者某个工程项目。但有的却是共惨党设立的特殊机关。共惨党性喜黑暗。哪怕在自己统治的天下里也爱搞“地下活动”。这类特殊的机构名称虽然是“政府”的什么办,实际上是党的机构。其人事和日常运作都归同级或者上级党委掌控。这样的神秘机构具体情况不容易弄清。过去外界知道略多一点的是中供的特务机关“调查部”的派出机构。调查部在中央的机关为“中央调查部”,但省市级却不以“省/市委调查部”而是以“省/市府第二办公室”的名义出现。现在二办并入国家安全局。这些机构依然专为“党的安全”而非“国家安全”而工作。豇贼民与俄国人的秘密领土交易有损害国家安全之嫌,但国安局不会去调查。相反他们会严查并迫害那些揭露这种交易的人士。在正常国家里,“反党”是公民的权利。国家安全机构不会去调查制止反党行为。因此中国政府中这些专门为党提供的服务就是额外多出来的。其所开支的费用,理所当然应当划入“专用养党费”。

以上两个方面,构成“零点一套”养党机构。

对各级“三点一套”政权班子所需养党费用的估算。

我在前面说过,中供以公款养党自己不报账更不许别人查账。这给我们估算养党机构的费用造成一定的困难。我们只能从一些已知的事实入手进行推算。具体方法是:

第一步,估算养党机构供养的人数。这个人数包括在职人员,也包括离退休人员。

在职人数的估算。首先要指出,估算时不能不考虑中国党政机关超编的现实。中国学者和官方已经提供很多资料证明了超编现象的严重性和普遍性。我们不能视而不见。民政部官员詹成付的一份调查分析论文指出他调查的15个乡镇定编只有404人,而财政实际供养人员达882人。超编118%。在估算各级三点一套养党班子供养人数时,必须对其定编人数乘以一个超编系数。若按詹成付调查的数据来定,这个系数会高达118%。显然偏高。但从国内各方面报道的情况看,超编 20%-50%是很常见的。我从低估算取20%。

养党机构的离退休人员的退休金和住房医疗福利,无论是否由原单位支付,都是公款开销。离退休人员的待遇并不比在职人员低多少。特别是离休人员,不但离休金高于普通干部工资,还享有优厚住房补助和医疗保健服务等。所花公款不菲。离退休人员数量,可按在职人员的一定比例推算。近年来离退休人员生活质量提高,活到七、八十岁以上者已很常见。就算平均活到七十五岁。则退休生活年龄段为15年(60-75岁),在职工作年龄段为40年(20-60岁)。假定机构规模基本稳定,则离退休人员比例大致为15/40=37.5%。我从低按三分之一(33%)估算。

我估算各级“三点一套”机构的在职人数时,能找到定编资料的,就以定编资料乘以超编系数推算。找不到定编资料的,就用其他间接的方法估算。我找到一些市县和乡一级的定编资料。估算出市级“三点一套”养党机构约供养400人,县级120人,乡镇街道级12人。这些是大概数,但也是低估数。目前还没有找到中供中央和各省、直辖市“三点一套”机构的定编资料,只能通过间接方法估算。

关于中央级“三点一套”机关。偶见不同途径所透露出数字,即令人觉得其规模出人意料地庞大。根据网上流传的高新所著《领导中国的新人物》一书,仅中供中央办公厅系统就有编制三千八百四十八名。而知名度不算高的中供中央编译局,自称有党员三百一十三人。考虑到一个单位里党员比例通常少于三分之一的普遍情况,这个局的总人数当在千人上下。中供中央的每个部有多个局、室。中央统战部有六局一室一个办公厅和一个机关党委。而中联部则有十局两室一个办公厅和一个机关党委。这两个部的编制人员不会少于编译局。中宣部中组部这种大部所供养的人数应当更多。中供中央警卫局局长拥有上将军衔,所辖警卫部队当在师级规模以上。扣除警戒国家机关的兵力后,应有千人以上用于保卫党中央。为了镇压flg,中供紧急成立凌驾于政府和司法部门之上610办公室。不惜代价地对flg进行野蛮镇压。显示中供中央机构可以不受编制限制而随意扩展。保守地估计,单是中供中央机构的规模就在万人以上。加上中纪委、全国政协机关、“民主党派”总部、国务院下属各部委司局里的党组党委机构等等,中央一级“三点一套”机构人数应该超过一万五千人。最少不会少于一万二千人。

省级“三点一套”的规模,也靠间接推算。安徽省委机关幼儿园的网页上介绍该园情况说:“省委机关幼儿园座落在省委大院内,占地面积15000平方米,现有 14个班级,450多名幼儿、40多名教职工。”在没有更好资料的情况下,我用这个数字推算该省委机关供养的人员数。我们知道,在中国一胎化政策下,一个职工从二十岁左右就业到六十岁左右退休,四十年里最多有三年时间能够向幼儿园提供生源。假设省委机关工作人员的年龄段是均匀分布的,那么任一个时刻里能够提供一个幼儿生源的职工群体为40/3,即13个职工可提供一个。考虑到拥有幼儿的职工可能选择其他寄托幼儿的地方,比如在配偶一方就近的幼儿园,在住家附近的幼儿园或者交付老人照看等。这个比例还要增大约一倍。即相当于26个职工能向省委机关幼儿园提供一个幼儿。这样,该省委机关幼儿园里450名幼儿就代表着一个11700人的职工群。当然省委机关幼儿园可能还招收非省委机关职工的幼儿。但外来职工提供的生源比例会小于省委职工生源的比例。就算省委职工和外来职工的孩子各占一半。我们还可以保险地说,中供安徽省委机关供养的人数不少于5850人。考虑到各省差异,我再向下打个折扣,按平均4000人估算省委省纪委机关人数。加上省政协机关、省级“民主党派”总部和省府各部门中的党组党委等等,省级“三点一套”养党机构的规模估算值为5000人。这应该是很保守的数字。

第二步,乘以中国公务人员平均的工薪福利率,得出人员经费。

工薪福利率指人员的工资津贴住房医疗的福利等。不包括办公设施和用品等开支。关于这个工薪福利率的资料差异比较大。网上有些文章算出的数字很大,声称养一个党政干部每年需要十几万甚至几十万人民币。我相信,把党政官员一些不正当(所谓灰色)收入都考虑进去的话,这个数字并不太高。但本文采取保守估算方法,不考虑比较不确定的灰色收入。浙江省金华市政府今年二月发出《关于完善市级机关事业单位经常性经费支出包干办法的通知》的文件。文件中关于人员经费的包干标准是:最高的厅局级干部每年7.5万元,最低的科员以下者为每年3.3万元。如用这个标准作为全国性标准仍然会偏高,因为金华是比较富裕的市。贫穷地区的党官们的花费会比这个低。湖北省政协副主席郑楚光在今年全国政协会议上的发言中按每年人均三万元计算中国公务人员的年人员经费。这是我所见到的最低的标准,就用这个值。

第三步,由人员经费在总开支中所占的比例推算出总费用额。

人员经费以外是建筑、设备、用品等硬件以及公务差旅会议等费用。各级别各行业中人员经费在总费用中的比例很不相同。在楼宇辉煌设备精良的党政机关里,大量的钱花在好楼好车好设备上了,人员经费所占比例自然低。而在房舍简陋办公设备不足的教育系统,人员经费比例可高达到百分之八十以上。我们考察的是有权有势的养党机构。这些机构在一方土地上总是在最好的楼宇里办公。乘用最高级的车辆,使用最先进的电脑手机等等。出差办事总是乘坐高等的舱位住星级酒店,一顿会务 “工作餐”就要吃掉几百上千元。他们的各种开销水平怎能和那些在陋室危房中上课的民办教师相比?怎能和连一部小车也没有的县中学相比?因此,“三点一套 ”机构里的人员经费比例不会高,我按55%到65%计算,中央和省级按55%,地市级按60%,县乡两级则按65%计算。

以2003年中国统计年鉴所提供的中国行政区划数为基础,按照上述三个步骤,我估算出各级“三点一套”养党班子供养一百五十六万余人。每年耗用养党资金约七百二十亿元人民币。

第二项,学校系统中的养党机构

如果美国某大学根据谁在白宫掌权而相对应地在本校设一个“校党委”和一个“校团委”,同时每个系或专业也都养个“党支部”的话,很可能成为轰动全美的丑闻。该校学生一定会拒绝为养活这样的机构而支付额外的学费。

而在中国,岂止大学,从幼儿园起就有党支部了。支部建在娃娃头上。又一项具有中供特色的养党体系。小学一般设党支部。编制上是一两个人。中学多设党总支,下辖若干支部。中专学校以上基本设党委。高校里的党务机构层次更多,从校到院系所再到学科专业都有专职的党务工作人员。多的可达上百个党务机构,少的也有十多个。

根据中国国家统计局2004年统计公报,全中国在2003年拥有高校1552所,中专与中学89398所,小学425846所,幼儿园116390所。按每所高校(包括下属院系所)供养党、团机构工作人员20人,中专与中学3人,小学1人,幼儿园0.1人(部分幼儿园不设党支部,故按平均每10所幼儿园拥有一名党干估算)。估算全国学校(不含党校)系统里的党务机构供养约九十六万人,每年消耗养党资金约三百六十五亿元人民币。

中供各级党校不同于普通的教育机构。这些机构是专门为共惨党培训党官的场所,它们直接为共惨党掌权服务的性质是明显的。党校的费用应当全部算入“专用养党费 ”。根据中国《2004年中国的国防》白皮书透露,全国有2500多所党校。按每所党校拥有30名在编教职工、10名离退休人员算,全国党校系统每年约需资金三十亿人民币。

学校系统还有一项重要的养党开支,就是设置专为共惨党服务的政治课程。从幼儿时代起,中供就有系统地对人民进行愚弄性的灌输。从幼儿园到大学研究生课程,都被中供塞进美化自己、贬损政敌、歪曲历史的内容。各级学校都设专门教研部门负责这些教育。学生被强迫学习这些课程,还必须通过考试才能毕业升学。这种课程和其他各国学校里的历史和社会学知识课程是不同的。因为它是专门为一党服务的课程。这种课程封闭学生的思想,灌输虚假的历史资料,造成学生终生性的思想方法错误。这种教育一个显著特点就是教师和学生都不相信教材的内容,但都认认真真地完成教与学。显然共惨党推行这种教育的目的不在于让学生相信课本的内容,而在于训练学生懂得服从权威服从教条而忽略真理泯灭良知。中国人民今日对高官权贵的逢迎、对弱小同胞的冷漠、对投机取巧的热衷、对作假行为的容忍等等都显著于他国人民,也显著于港台同胞。这种整个民族在品质上的退化现象,正与中供在学校中推行反人类的政治灌输密切相关。

我用估算学校党务机构相同的方法,估算出这项护党课程的校内机构开支约为每年三百六十亿元。必须指出,这一项所开支的养党费用,不仅仅增加了中国人民的负担,更严重损害了中华民族的前程。共惨党下台后这一套洗脑体系一定要废除。但中供毒化华人心灵的教育后果还会延祸许多年。

第三项,公款养活的“人民团体”

中国有一类党办的“人民团体”。它们在名称上与其他国家的社会团体很相似,但性质完全不同。工会、妇联、共青团、工商联、作家协会等等都是以民间团体名义存在的共惨党分支机构。

1、它们是“官”而不是“民”。在正常国家里,“社会团体”和“官方机构”相对,即“非官方机构”,NGO。而中供搞的“社会团体”却是官方机构的一部分。这些团体里的领导人由共惨党任命,具有“国家干部”身份,吃着皇粮。一个人离开政府机关去从事工会活动,在正常国家里叫做“弃官为民”,而在中国却属于“工作调动”。用党的话说是换个岗位为党工作,或者叫党往不同部位上拧螺丝钉。

2、正常国家里社会团体的经费基本来自民间募款或者会员缴费,国家只给个别团体极少的补助。中供搞的“社会团体”基本靠公款过活,其机构设置都在国家“定编”之内。

3、正常国家里社会团体与执政党间没有隶属关系,而中供搞的“社会团体”在章程里明明白白地写着由“中国共惨党领导”的字样,毫不掩饰它们是共惨党分支机构的性质。这些团体的机关里,都设有共惨党的党委和支部。

4、正常国家里的社会团体多元化,五花八门的工会、商会、妇女、青年等组织并存发展。而中供搞的“社会团体”具有完全垄断排他的性质。中国“妇联”的功能就是阻止中国妇女自行联合起来;中国“工会”的功能就是阻止中国工人建立自己的工会。

毕竟是吃公款的养党机构,它们内部机构设置也很像党委机构。比如中华全国总工会,设有办公厅、组织部、宣教部、机关党委、机关工会、离退休干部局、国际联络部等22个部门,每个部门下面再分若干处室等。完全就是大官府衙门的派头。正是这种衙门的存在,中国工人们无法组织自己的工会,工人的权益长期遭到剥夺。

中供搞的这些“人民团体”是针对某一方面人民进行控制的机关。其真正功能是监视和防止各界民众对中供不忠诚不顺从,禁止各界成立维护自身权益的独立组织。这种吃皇粮而帮助执政党压制各界人民的“社会团体”在正常国家里是不存在的。因此这些团体的经费,完全属于专用养党费。一旦中供下台,它们必须转为非政府组织,不能再靠公款生存,不能再为一党服务。

这些党办公养“团体”的在职人数,按中央级1000人,省级300人,地市级60人,县级25人估算,乡镇级不计。每年消耗六十多亿元人民币。

第四项,军警法院和检察院系统等国家机器中的的养党支出。

2002 年10月10日新华网发表记者徐壮志、孙彦新所写的报道《确保党对军队绝对领导我军党建水平明显提高》。报道指出:“据统计,自党的十三届四中全会以来,全军和武警部队有上万个党支部受到团以上表彰”。我们可以据此大略推算戒严军和武警部队里党务机构的规模。就算戒严军和武警当局滥用表彰手段,平均每三个支部就有一个被表彰,则戒严军和武警大约拥有三到五万个基层党支部,按四万个算。每个支部必有一个正职(比如指导员),大一点的单位还有一至数名副职(副指导员)。平均每个支部按1.5名党干计算,全戒严军和武警就拥有九万左右的基层党务人员。基层以上还有党务机构,一般营设总支,团以上设党委,直至最高层的中央军委。通常一个师级单位有二十个左右的党委和总支,下辖五十到两百个基层支部。按照八个支部有一个党委/总支,每个党委/总支平均用三个人算。全戒严军和武警就拥有七千五百多个党委,供养人员约两万多。基层支部和上级党委相加,估算全戒严军和武警共拥有党务干部约十一万人。

除了戒严军和武警部队,中国还有地方武装单位。从省军区到地方军分区再到市、县区的人武部、县中队等,每一级都有党委或支部,都有政委指导员编制。全国算下来,也该有一到两万的党干,按一万五千估算。

这样,估算中国军警和地方武装机构里党务干部的总人数为十二万八千人。每年支出的专用养党费约六十四亿人民币。

法院和检察院系统内的党组。根据中国检察日报的“正义网”,中国有各级人民法院3556个,人民检察院3846个。按每个院内平均两个党干来算,共有近二万人,耗用养党费用约十亿元。

第五项,国有企业内党务机构

根据国家统计局1996年基本单位普查数据。全国国有经济企业按规模划分的统计数为:万人以上的大企业有566家,五千至一万的1281家,一千至五千的 18804家,五百到一千的30830家,一百到五百的269496家。分别估算上述各规模企业中平均党务机构人数依次为:20,15,5,2,1人。其他条件与前面项目相同。这样算得国有企业内养党机构供养人员六十多万人,每年耗用国有资金二百八十多亿人民币。

第六项,党的喉舌以及为党宣传项目中开支的养党费用。

宣传,是共惨党花钱力度最大部门。利用现代大众传播媒介的强大影响力来欺骗操纵影响人民,是共惨党政权得以存活延续的保命法术。为了保命,共惨党花钱决不手软。这方面的养党花销数额巨大,可能占到中供整个养党开支的三分之一。但由于这方面的开支非常庞杂,很难估算。这里把一些滥花公款的现象列举出来。然后做一个粗略的估计。

西方竞选期间,各党花不少钱上电视台做广告。那些广告基本是按秒算钱的,时间长了吃不消。而中供的喉舌电视台每天都必须美化党的领袖,吹捧党的政策,攻击党的敌人,欺骗党统治下的人民。这些节目绝不晃几秒就过去的。而是数分钟甚至数小时地延续下去。如果按照正常价格购买电视电台广告时间这样做的话。每天该支付多少钱?

西方媒体也追逐报道政治领袖。但注意力集中在领袖人物的丑闻和弱点上。而中供垄断下的成千上万媒体只能为树立党的威望歌颂党的恩德而工作。谁能算得清,有多少中供官员受到公款制作的影视作品和音乐戏剧的歌颂?这方面花钱最多的是毛泽东。他的威望因而最高。“老一辈”中供中央政治局成员,只要不在党内斗争失势,都享有公家出钱编制的音像作品的歌颂的服务。1990年代有段时期不知来了什么毛病,掀起了一阵歌颂政治局委员爹妈的热潮。豇贼民的继父(江上青),李朋的养母(邓颖超)、生父(李硕勋)和生母(赵君陶),邹家华和李铁映的父亲(邹韬奋、李维汉)等等都出了专门的影视片子。而李朋自己几乎天天要出镜,那一阵的中央电视台简直就成了李朋的“全家福”表演站。李朋父亲的电视片前后至少出了三部(10集电视连续剧《李硕勋将军》、6集电视文献纪录片《李硕勋》、电视纪录片《革命烈士李硕勋》)。不但在电视上生辉,还要在各地光耀。李硕勋故居被列为“省级重点文物保护单位”。四川高县建了他的纪念馆。海南海口市建了他的陵园、纪念亭。还把海口市一条路命名为“李硕勋路”,把一所学校命名为“硕勋学园”等等。这一切都是用借助国家权力动用国家公款办到的。不是以权谋私又是什么?问问各国财政官员,他们国家财政开支里有没有这一块?美国纳税人能不能允许小布什从美国财政里拨几百万请好莱坞拍部歌颂老布什的电影?

宣传毛泽东思想和党的路线不算经济账。这是几十年来的既定规章。在文革前后十多年时间,国家计委制定计划时必须把宣传毛泽东思想列为国民经济建设的首要任务。资金、设备、材料、人力,技术等资源必须绝对保质保量供应,不得挪用,不得延误。1960年代中国遭受严重饥荒的时候,毛泽东思想的宣传工作不但没有减缓,还增加了力度。那几年里大多数国民经济社会统计数字都下降了,只有人口死亡率和毛泽东的威望等少数指标保持了同步增长。这是中国历史上一个最奇特的现象。宣传共惨党及其领袖的电影戏剧总是兴师动众搞全国性协作。音乐舞蹈史诗“东方红”动用十几个省市和各军种的宣传力量,经历一年多才完成。九十年代拍摄电影“大决战”,总导演李文化向外国媒体透露:初步预算七千万人民币,但实际耗费在两倍以上。影片动用全国5个军区100多万部队和大量人民参加拍摄。陇海铁路被停运几十分钟以拍摄“实景”。天津市封锁市区最繁忙的交通地段达十几个小时,市政府大楼被用于拍外景,故意把上百个玻璃窗打破。一部电影,直接成本就上亿。还有这扰民伤民的间接损失怎么计算?

还有,宣传党的书籍出版了、报刊印成了、电影电视拍完了,但是没有什么读者观众怎么办?有了公款就好办。共惨党无非再动用些资源进行推广罢了。当年推广毛选,搞到人手一册至多册的程度,以便你在车间、在地头、在家里、在办公室、在旅途中、在病床上等都能读毛选。免费赠送毛选成了制度。下乡时送一套、返城时送一套、招工时送一套、参军复员、入学毕业、住院出院、结婚离婚等等都是送毛选的时机。社会主义是按劳分配,共产主义是按需分配,毛选则是按书分配,印多少就得送多少。而毛泽东在动用巨额公款给自己编制发行著作之后竟然还收取了上亿的“稿费”。近年来为现任领导人公款出书情况收敛了一些。但为美化中供以及 “老一辈”高级党官而大量动用公款编写出版宣传物的情况仍然十分普遍严重。各级图书馆中“革命史”、“革命事迹”一类的出版物早就堆积如山了。然而中供仍然不知疲倦地组织力量编写发行着。

党报党刊没人订?于是就靠行政命令搞强制订阅,每年各级党的宣传部都要开一次“党报党刊发行工作会”,下指标压任务,外加“私订公助”、“集订分送”等等花样软硬兼施保证党报的“稳定发行”。对于乏人问津的革命电影,则采用公家出钱买票,组织干部群众观看的方法。不惜中断正常工作在上班时间组织观看。幼儿园教师“接上级通知”要去看革命电影,家长就必须提早半天把孩子接回家。这样的事本人就经历过多次。

铺天盖地的宣传,必然要花掉铺天盖地的钞票。我们知道中供在媒体、出版、影视艺术等等方面的养党护党花费是巨大的,粗略估计应该不少于一百五十亿元人民币。

不但要搞正面宣传,还要压制“敌人的声音”。中供干扰国际广播,封锁网络的强度是世界首屈一指的。而干扰封锁需要昂贵的设备和大量人力。有中国学者指出,苏联曾在所有人口20万以上的城市里设立了干扰台。到1980年代中期,全国大约有3000部干扰机,设置费用共花了约2.6亿美元,每年还要花维护费约 2.5亿美元。这笔费用比苏联办国内广播的经费还要多。鉴于中国人口众多,20万人以上的城市数量是前苏联的好多倍。中供封锁真相上一向是不惜血本,宁滥勿缺的。因此在干扰国际广播方面所花的钱肯定是前苏联的许多倍。此外中供还要在东南沿海省份压制港台电视节目的传播,更要对电脑网络和电话手机通讯等进行严密的政治性控制和封锁。这些都需要大量的资金。因此,保守的估计,中供在此方面的每年的花费不会少于20亿美元。即在一百六十忆人民币以上。

此外,中供还有一项很大的“革命传统教育”的开支。就是为共惨党自己高级党官以及英模人物建立纪念馆纪念碑物。共惨党的历史实在充满了罪恶。它掌权以前大部分的时期里都是搞武装暴动割据国土建立洋式马列政权。在抗日战争时期它是躲避日寇袭击国军破坏抗日的。出兵朝鲜则是支持侵略者服务于苏联帝国的野心。这些历史的真相对共惨党很不利。为了对抗真相美化丑恶的过去,为了粉饰本党及其领导人的形象,中供不惜工本修建了大量的纪念馆纪念碑和其他纪念建筑物。这些设施的投资和维护费用由民政事业费中开支,挤占了扶贫、抚恤方面的资金。这类建筑物早已多到泛滥成灾的地步,但各地每年还在抽调资金用于新建扩建和维护。网上可以看到很多这种兴建“红色旅游”线路的消息,动则投资百万、千万甚至更多资金上去修陵树碑建堂立馆。照看这些碑亭堂馆亦成为党官们安插亲属吃财政供养的好机会。新华网报道过某地居然可为一座只有三个墓碑的陵园安插二十多份职位的奇闻。全国这方面的花费,每年应达数十亿元。按三十亿计算。

第七项、资助他国共惨党及其武装力量的非法外交费用。

中供在夺得政权之后的头几十年里向外输出革命。资助着几十个国家里的共惨党和反政府的武装力量。有些是暗中进行的,有些则是公开或者半公开的。这些行动耗费了人民大量的钱财。给中外国家人民都造成了灾难。这种对外资助无助于国家间正常的外交关系。相反这种粗暴干涉他国内政的行为破坏了中国和邻国的正常关系,激起了邻国的反华浪潮,给华侨造成了惨重的损失。因此这些钱称为“破坏正常外交关系费”比较妥当。比较典型的例子就是中供一九六五年支持印尼共惨党搞武装政变。造成印尼与中国断交,并在印尼激起了长达几十年的反华排华浪潮。但是毛泽东不在乎。因为他是受益者。败坏中国国际形象地活动总会导致毛泽东在国内威望的提升。因为中供喉舌可以不理睬各国舆论,单单报道海外亲毛组织认真学习“毛选”,运用毛泽东的“武装斗争”、“农村包围城市”等方针去战斗并且“ 取得一个又一个胜利”的消息。这些虚假消息对国内人民有很大的愚弄作用。毛泽东就从“中国人民的红太阳”顺利升级成“世界人民心中的红太阳”了。

还有些洋人利用毛泽东这种挟洋心态搞欺骗,骗走了不少资金。BBC曾经报道说,荷兰秘密情报人员贝维伪装成一个荷兰共惨党的领导人骗得毛泽东的信任。在中苏决裂之后中供为贝维出资成立荷兰马克思-列宁主义党。还出钱供贝维周游世界。所花费的资金在一百万英镑以上。在1970年代,一百万英镑不是一笔小钱。但中供不会在乎,老毛更不在乎。就算知道了真相,毛泽东也不会心疼。因为他的目的达到了。这个洋人只要每年七一或国庆节打着西方“反修”政党的旗号给毛泽东发一封贺电,就足够让老毛增添不少“自重”了。

邓小平掌权后,为了引进外资挽救中供的濒临破产的经济,需要和东南亚各国修好。于是邓断然背弃了东南亚各国里那些忠心耿耿的“兄弟党”。中止了对他们的支援。听任他们被本国政府军队一点点围剿消灭。从此后中国与东盟各国的关系就正常化了。这也反正了毛泽东那些“援外”支出对正常外交关系只有破坏性。

现在中供不再支持外国的反政府武装力量了,这是好事。但中供中联部对外活动仍然很频繁,其任务仍然是联络世界上残存的“兄弟党”,为挽救必定衰亡的国际共运进行最后的努力。这个必定失败的努力继续耗用着中国纳税人的钱。

此外,中供这些年来把越来越多的资金投放在海外媒体的扩展和收购、社会团体的渗透、加强公关运作等方面。根据大ere揭露,中供官方媒体中央电视台的节目不断扩大向世界传播的范围。原本只要6-8颗卫星就可以把全球覆盖住,而中央电视台却在全世界租用了37颗卫星!中供希望操控海外华人组织和华文媒体为自己所用的意图是很明显的。光是为了压制flg就进行了多方面多年的努力。为了中止新唐人电视台与欧洲卫星公司的合约,中国有关公司向欧卫提供大批合同。这种明显带有政治意图的大规模利益输送,没有中供的背后支持是不可能的。中供在海外扩张势力的规模是很大的,所耗用的外汇也不是个小数目。估计每年应该达到数亿美元。这里且按二十亿人民币估算。

以上七项的总和,为两千二百六十多亿人民币。这就是我估算出来的中供每年所耗用的养党费用。我知道大陆有学者声称当前单是中国官车的车费每年就达四千亿元。而我估算出来的养党费才刚过该数值的一半,因此我可能估算得太保守了。但我觉得我的算法有理,就不打算去改它。不过毕竟由于资料不足,又是第一次进行这样的估算。难免会有误差。衷心欢迎读者挑剔纠正。经过不断地改进修正,最终总会找到比较精确的估算值的。只要这篇文章能够引起人们对中供经济消耗量和剥削量的更多分析与思考,我的目的就算达到了。

2009年1月27日 星期二

革命文献一首

他们党真是有人才啊。
理论水平跟我一样高。



久经考验的共产主义战士,党的建设战线的卓越干部,

为革命事业献出最宝贵生命的徐其耀同志写给儿子的一封信

2000年10月8日,江苏省建设厅厅长徐其耀因贪污受贿2千余万元,被当地检察机关批捕。在侦查中,发现了徐与146名二奶的“日记”等证据,其中写给儿子的一封信,畅述做官心得,总结为官原则,具有较高的理论价值和应用价值,实为官场“金科玉律”,符合“付诸史馆”的标准;该信境界高超,观点鲜明,论述坦率朴实,语言精炼,警句迭出,振聋发愦,足可编入教科书当范文,聊以纠正当今假话空话套话充斥的文风。当然,该信有感而发,属即兴之作,逻辑上欠推敲,然白玉微瑕,瑕不掩瑜也!

下为该信全文:

“孩子:
你的来信我已收到,对你在大学里的表现,我很欣慰,你要再接再厉。

既然你选择了一定要走仕途这条路,你就一定要把我下面的劝告铭记在心:

1、不要追求真理,不要探询事物的本来面目。
把探索真理这这类事情让知识分子去做吧,这是他们的事情。要牢牢记住这样的信条:对自己有利的,就是正确的。实在把握不了,可简化为:上级领导提倡的就是正确的。

2、不但要学会说假话,更要善于说假话。
要把说假话当成一个习惯,不,当成事业,说到自己也相信的程度。妓女和做官是最相似的职业,只不过做官出卖的是嘴。记住,做官以后你的嘴不仅仅属于你自己的,说什么要根据需要。

3、要有文凭,但不要真有知识,真有知识会害了你。
有了知识你就会独立思考,而独立思考是从政的大忌。别看现在的领导都是硕士博士,那都是假的。有的人博士毕业就去应招公务员走向仕途,那是他从读书的那天起就没想研究学问,肯定不学无术。记住,真博士是永远做不了官的。

4、做官的目的是什么?是利益。
要不知疲倦地攫取各种利益。有人现在把这叫腐败。你不但要明确的把攫取各种利益作为当官的目的,而且要作为唯一的目的。你的领导提拔你,是因为你能给他带来利益;你的下属服从你,是因为你能给他带来利益;你周围的同僚朋友关照你,是因为你能给他带来利益。你自己可以不要,但别人的你必须给。记住,攫取利益这个目的一模糊,你就离失败不远了。

5、必须把会做人放在首位,然后才是会做事。
这里的做人做事你可别理解为德才兼备的意思。这里说的做人,就是处关系。做事是实际工作,这点会不会都无所谓。做人就是把自己作为一个点编织到上下左右的网中,成为这个网的一部分。记住,现在说谁工作能力强,一点都不是说他做事能力强,而是指做人能力强。呵呵,你看那些把能力理解为做事的人,有好日子过才怪。

6、我们的社会无论外表怎样变化,其实质都是农民社会。
谁迎合了农民谁就会成功。我们周围的人无论外表是什么,骨子里都是农民。农民的特点是目光短浅,注重眼前利益。所以你做事的方式方法必须具有农民特点,要搞短期效益,要鼠目寸光。一旦你把眼光放远,你就不属于这个群体了,后果可想而知。要多学习封建的那一套,比如拜个把兄弟什么的,这都不过分。

7、要相信拍马是一种高级艺术。
千万不要以为拍马只要豁出脸皮就行,豁得出去的女人多了,可傍上大款的或把自己卖个好价钱的是极少数,大部分还是做了低层的三陪小姐。这和拍马是一样的道理。拍马就是为了得到上级的赏识。在人治的社会里,上级的赏识是升官的唯一途径,别的都是形式,这一点不可不察。

8、所有的法律法规、政策制度都不是必须严格遵守的,确切地说,执行起来都是可以变通的。

法律法规、政策制度的制订者从没想到要用这些来约束自己,而是想约束他人。但你要知道,这些不是人人都可以违反的。什么时候坚决遵守,什么时候偷偷违反,让谁违反,要审势而定,否则宽严皆误。

以上这些都是做官的原则。现在要仔细想想,如果你真能逐条做到,你就能一帆风顺,如果感觉力不从心,就马上另外选择职业吧。”

据说北京肝儿颤了

明报/英国《泰晤士报》报道,中国官员近日与地下教会人士进行了秘密接触,了解对方的立场及需求,并称这是在今年这个敏感年份作出的重要姿态。中国天主教爱国会副会长刘柏年对本报表示,与地下教会一直都有接触,他也否认报道称内地有1.3亿人信教。

爱国会﹕一直有接触

报道称,中国官员近日在北京一处办公室与基督教地下教会(又称「家庭教会」)的人士见面,天主教徒则未获邀。被邀请见面的金牧师称,「现在政府的态度比较开放了」,对话是大势所趋,公安亦减少查抄地下教会。金牧师称,政府需要了解他们是否「反动」,并想知道他们为何不接受政府监管。

报道又称,中国的天主教徒及基督教徒共有1.3亿,其中约1亿是不从属于官方教会的「地下」教徒。但中国天主教爱国会副会长刘柏年反驳称,「这不可能,我倒希望有那揦多。」他表示,政府和爱国会长期有与地下教会接触,「劝导他们在政治上服从国家,信仰上服从基督」,并曾提供《圣经》等。

此外,天主教新闻社报道称,教宗本笃十六世在前日的午间祈祷中,向东南亚地区人民致以农曆新年节日问候。

2009年1月26日 星期一

老外论相声

No laughing matter: a hilarious investigation into the destruction of modern Chinese humor

by David Moser
http://www.danwei.org/tv/stifled_laughter_how_the_commu.php

来自王三表
http://www.wangxiaofeng.net/?p=2442

Americans seeing it on Chinese TV for the first time usually have the same reaction: “Chinese stand-up comedy!” And indeed, the surface similarity is striking: two performers stand up on a stage in front of a live audience and engage in rapid-fire humorous repartee, with their interaction following the tried-and-true formula of a “straight-man” acting as an exasperated foil to the muddle-headedness of an illogical clowner. One is reminded of the classic American comedy duos like Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis, George Burns and Gracie Allen, or 60s TV acts like Rowan and Martin and the Smothers Brothers. The Chinese art is called xiangsheng (literally, “face and voice”), which is usually translated into English as “crosstalk”, and for most of the twentieth century this performance form was virtually synonymous with humor in China.

Beyond the surface resemblance there are differences. While American stand-up comedians tend to work solo, in China the two-person format is the dominant one (perhaps reflecting the cultural tendency toward collectivism vs. the American cult of the individual). Crosstalk performers tend to be somewhat more formal and “stagey” in their delivery than their American counterparts. But the major difference lies in the overall structure of the performance. An American stand-up comedy routine tends to consist of a string of jokes loosely strung together, with the performer flitting from topic to topic with throwaway lines as perfunctory segues from one subject to the next. In contrast, a crosstalk piece is always a coherent, self-contained routine with a fixed narrative or unifying main premise. In this sense, a typical crosstalk piece more resembles a scripted dialogue such as Abbot and Costello’s “Who’s on First?” routine, or the Marx Brothers’ “Why a Duck?” scene. There is a repertoire of hundreds of traditional crosstalk pieces, as well as new pieces being written all the time, and each time a piece is performed the original premise and overall structure is preserved, with the performers free to add material or edit sections according to the needs of a specific performance. The subject matter of crosstalk draws upon every aspect of Chinese culture, from history, regional dialects and folk tales to contemporary issues like the one-child policy or economic modernization.

Crosstalk used to be phenomenally popular in China. Teahouses and auditoriums were packed each night with enthusiastic audiences, every theatrical troupe had a stable of crosstalk performers, and crosstalk was an essential part of every Chinese New Year variety show. In a culture not yet glutted with mindless entertainment, crosstalk was the major populist form of humor, and it was genuinely loved by audiences from every walk of life.

However, there is now widespread consensus that the art form has drastically declined in quality over the last few decades. Performances on radio and TV have dwindled considerably, and crosstalk is barely given a perfunctory place in the major variety shows. Audiences and performers alike perceive a crisis; is the form in danger of dying out completely?

There are various explanations for this decline. Some lament that, with the advent of tape recorders, the master-apprentice system of transmission has fallen by the wayside, resulting in a lowering of performer standards. Others maintain that the severe time constraints of TV deny performers the breathing space they need to deliver an adequate performance. Media analysts put the blame on competition from the influx of foreign DVDs and more free-wheeling Hong Kong entertainment products. Everyone seems to have an excuse for crosstalk’s increasing inability to hold an audience.

The excuses all ring hollow. Similar humor forms remain wildly popular in the States and in other countries. Stand-up humor is easily staged, quickly produced, and has an immediacy and topicality that no other form of humor can have. All people, including Chinese people, crave the cathartic release that laughter provides. If done right, there is no reason to think crosstalk would not enjoy the same popularity as its foreign counterparts. The real cause of crosstalk’s decline is painfully obvious, though no one dares to publicly acknowledge the truth: the Communist Party killed it.

The Chinese government has systematically stifled crosstalk by bowdlerizing its tradition, restricting its natural growth and evolution, and reducing the form to a sycophantic, unsatisfying — and unfunny — shadow of its former self.

Younger audiences exposed to only the lukewarm pap that now passes for crosstalk on Chinese TV have no way of knowing that it was at one time a freewheeling, vibrant, and even rambunctious art form. Developing from humble origins as a type of street theater in the Qing Dynasty, by the 1940’s it had become a complex oral performance form that maintained an anti-authoritarian and even slightly subversive quality. It was wildly politically incorrect, lampooning everyone — pompous social elites, corrupt officials, country bumpkins, the handicapped, prostitutes, the effete intelligentsia, and even the KMT leaders in power at the time. It is difficult to convey the culturally-embedded style and content of crosstalk humor in a brief article such as this, but suffice to say, the form was every bit as rich and varied as the traditions of American Vaudeville and stand-up comedy.

Then came 1949. After the communist takeover, Party officials in charge of entertainment for the new China agreed that the crosstalk genre was too rowdy and impertinent to be allowed in its present form. It went without saying that the sexual humor had to be cleaned up, but authority figures were also now off-limits, and performers could no longer ridicule the peasantry, who were now the class heroes of the revolution. Crosstalk and other entertainment forms were now called upon to “praise” (gesong) rather than to “satirize” (fengci). Few dissenting voices dared point out the obvious problem, namely that “praise” is not very funny. But no matter. In typical Chinese fashion, a special task force was formed, the “Committee for Crosstalk Reform”, under whose guidance hundreds of traditional pieces were revised and cleaned up for public consumption. Many pieces could be salvaged with minor cosmetic surgery, while others could only be discarded completely.

Typical of pieces that were deemed unacceptable was “Drinking Milk”, a one-person piece which goes as follows (drastically truncated here for space reasons):

An old man takes sick with a rare disease. The doctor tells him “This is a serious illness, my friend, but we can cure it for you. There’s a special Chinese herbal medicine that will fix you right up. But there is one problem: the prescription requires that you drink milk with it.”

“Why, that’s no problem.” the old man says.

“HUMAN milk,” clarifies the doctor.

“Well, that’s no problem either. It just so happens my daughter-in-law just gave birth to a baby. I can just get some milk from her.”

“Sorry, but there’s one more requirement,” says the doctor. “The milk has to be drunk directly from the breast, otherwise it loses its effectiveness.” Whew. This might be a little tricky. What can he do? The old man has no choice but to directly approach the daughter-in-law with his problem. He explains his predicament to her, and she is quite understanding.

“It’s a matter of life-and-death,” she says. “Of course I’ll help you.” So she timidly opens up her blouse and lets the old man suck the milk. But he has barely had one mouthful than the son — who had heard that his father was ill — returns home from work early. Opening the door and seeing his young wife there with his very own father in this rather compromising situation, he is understandably pretty pissed off.

“Dad!” the son cries in shock. “What the hell are you doing?” The father, seeing his son’s displeasure, stands up indignantly and says, “So! I drink one mouthful of your wife’s milk and you get this upset? Have you forgotten how much of MY wife’s milk YOU drank when you were a baby?”

This piece is no longer printed or performed in the media. It has for all intents and purposes disappeared from the crosstalk repertoire, though older performers remember it and can perform it in informal settings. The average Chinese audience member would be amazed that crosstalk in its current innocuous form had anything even this mildly risqué in its past.

But if they found this piece surprising, they would be absolutely flabbergasted by the X-rated premise of piece called “The Birdie that Doesn’t Chirp”. The piece is a double entendre-filled conversation between a man and a lady friend. (Female performers were rare; crosstalk, like early American stand-up comedy, was almost exclusively a male domain). The man mentions to the woman that he owns a special kind of bird that doesn’t chirp. Under puzzled questioning from the woman, it turns out the curious bird in question has no feathers, has only one eye on the top of its head, stays inside its “cage” most of the time, can grow or shrink in size at certain times, and so on. As the dialogue proceeds it becomes increasingly obvious to everyone but the innocent woman that the “bird” in question is actually the man’s penis. At one point the woman suggests that he take his bird out to a teahouse, as is the custom of Beijingers who raise birds as a hobby:

Man: A teahouse? Forget it! Last time I went to a teahouse at Wangfujing, as soon as I took off his cover, the waiter came running over. “Cover it up! Cover it up!” he said. “If you don’t cover that up, I’m gonna scald it to death with boiling water!”

Woman: Oh.

Man: Better cover him up, right? So I covered him up.

Woman: It seems to me you don’t know the first thing about birds. You can’t put his cage on the table if you go to a teahouse. All that dirty bird poop. While you’re drinking your tea, you hang your birdie up.

Man: Hang it up? No way!

Woman: Why?

Man: Dizzy from the height.

Woman: Nonsense. Birds don’t get dizzy.

Man: No, I mean I would get dizzy.

Woman: What’s it got to do with you?

Man: It’s my bird, after all.

Very sophomoric humor, of course — sort of the Chinese equivalent of a Playboy party joke. But it is revealing to see how far this kind of frankly sexual content could be taken in pre-1949 China. Crosstalk performers referred to this sort of piece as hunkou, which could be loosely translated as a “meat [as opposed to vegetarian] dish”. There is absolutely nothing remotely approaching it in the broadcast media today. (It is difficult for scholars to reconstruct pre-Liberation crosstalk because in the political extremism of 50s and 60s most of the historical record of the art form, including films, scripts, and recordings, were destroyed or irrevocably lost. A wire recording of this piece was made in 1953, and somehow resurfaced in 1990, whereupon the fragile steel wire technology was transferred to audiocassette tape by a member of the Academy of Social Sciences and passed on to a Princeton professor.)

Crosstalk also had an abundance of black humor. The premise of the piece “Selling Coffins” is almost Monty Python-esque: A coffin seller burdened with a surplus of merchandise desperately tries to unload more coffins on his customers using hard-sell techniques:

A: [to the customer]...The smaller coffins also can be put to other uses besides burying people, you know.

B: Like what?

A: Do you have a child in your family?

B: Yes.

A: Swell! You can buy one of these small coffins and use it as a baby stroller. It’ll be perfect: the handles on all four sides will keep the baby from falling out.

B: No good. A stroller has wheels, a coffin doesn’t. Without wheels, how can you rock it back and forth?

A: Just put four wheels on it and there you go! It shouldn’t cost much money.

B: But... the baby will be terrified jostling about inside!

A: Oh, don’t be such a fuddy-duddy! Stick a little mattress in there and it’ll be just fine.

B: Boy, you’ve got a solution for everything.

A: So you’ll buy one, eh?

B: Well, I... no, it won’t work. There’s no place to hang mosquito netting in the summer.

A: What do you need mosquito netting for?

B: Without it, the baby will get bitten by mosquitoes!

A: So just shut the lid. The mosquitoes won’t be able to get in.

B: But with the lid shut, the baby will suffocate!

A: So much the better.

B: What?!?

A: You can just wheel the coffin to the cemetery to bury the kid — no need to hire pallbearers.

These examples at least illustrate the range of freedom that this performance domain once had, and the kinds of salty content that pre-Liberation audiences were routinely exposed to. The point is that early crosstalk, like any indigenous folk art form, was able to reflect daily life in a rich, genuine way. Performers were free to explore both the virtues and the foibles of the Chinese people, both the glories and the excesses of Chinese culture, and the pleasures along with the annoying absurdities of everyday life. In short, crosstalk was able to laugh at the full range of things Chinese, including the darker side. When the Party got their puritanical hands on the form after 1949, they immediately began to it pull out its satirical teeth, turning it into an bland mouthpiece for political policy.

During the dark days of the Cultural Revolution the form virtually ceased to exist. The arts had become merely a tool of indoctrination, and crosstalk proved to be particularly fragile and unsustainable in this new environment. While a revolutionary ballet can still retain some degree of compelling visual power, or a propaganda movie can still hold some purely cinematic value (note Leni Riefenstahl’s Nazi propaganda film Triumph of the Will), the purely verbal form of crosstalk had no other artistic elements to fall back on, and thus became effectively dead.

Mao Zedong himself was an avid fan of crosstalk, and would hold performances in his residences at Zhongnanhai on Saturday nights. Interestingly, he requested only the traditional repertoire, having no use for the newly produced, revolutionary pieces. Like his wife Jiang Qing, who banned all foreign films but viewed Disney movies in the privacy of her living quarters, Mao continued to foist revolutionary art on the masses, while privately enjoying the unexpurgated classics.

In 1989 I interviewed crosstalk star Hao Aimin, who was one of the younger artists who performed in these weekly performances at Zhongnanhai. In the relaxed setting of my dorm room at Peking University, he related what it was like to perform “stand-up” in front of Chairman Mao:

We would peek out from behind the curtain backstage while we were waiting to go on, and there would be Chairman Mao, all red-faced, dancing waltzes with the young women. Chairman Mao was a large man, very robust, but actually quite graceful on his feet, and a good dancer. Seeing him in this context -- as a human being rather than a world leader -- enabled us to relax a bit and not be so terrified when it was time to go on. Still, standing up in front of Chairman Mao telling jokes could be intimidating. You had the feeling the people in the audience were afraid to laugh unless he did. Zhou Enlai was a better audience in this respect. He himself was more easy-going and laughed readily at all the jokes. He also had a tendency to anticipate the punchlines, and would say them along with you. This would spoil the joke somewhat, but it made for a more relaxed atmosphere.

In the late 1970’s, following the end of the Cultural Revolution, crosstalk experienced a rebirth as performers were again given more or less free rein to exercise their creative powers. This time the satirists had a safe and officially-sanctioned target: the Gang of Four and the excessive zealotry of the decade that had just ended. Performers took gleeful pleasure in getting comedic revenge on Jiang Qing and her cohorts, and dozens of pieces appeared with titles like “The White-Boned Demon” (the name of an evil spirit in the novel Journey to the West, which became a nickname for Jiang Qing). Jokes about the Gang of Four that had been circulating underground for years could now be put to use in these routines, and crosstalk performers were even free to show off their much-vaunted imitation skills to viciously parody Jiang Qing’s sing-song Shandong accent:

A: [imitating Jiang Qing] I’ve always studied diligently since I was young. I persisted in reading Marxist-Leninist literature five hours every day, and Chairman Mao’s works for seven hours every day. Comrades, I read four works from cover to cover: I can recite from memory Lenin’s Das Kapital, and Marx’s The Collected Works of Lenin...

B: Come off it! Give us a break!

A: Comrades, the struggles at the top are complex, and there are those in political circles who oppose me.

B: Yeah, they can see you’re a schemer and an opportunist!

A: They say that I have openly tried to subvert the Party. These accusations are totally groundless! Sure, I tried to subvert the Party, but it was never openly!”

You get the idea. Not exactly side-splitting humor. Most of these pieces don’t hold up well, of course, being perhaps prime examples of the type of humor for which “you had to be there”. But the laughter was truly cathartic, as audiences were now free to laugh at what just a few years earlier had been an oppressive aspect of everyday life.

One of the more successful pieces of the post-Mao period was “How to Take a Photograph”, which did a wonderful job of skewering the absurd politically excesses of the time:

A: On the wall of the shop was a piece of paper, and at the top it said NOTICE TO ALL CUSTOMERS.

B: What did it say?

A: It said: “All revolutionary comrades who come in the revolutionary door of this revolutionary photography shop, before asking any revolutionary question, must first call out a revolutionary slogan. If any of the revolutionary masses do not call out a revolutionary slogan, then the revolutionary shopkeeper will take a revolutionary attitude and refuse to give a revolutionary response. Revolutionarily yours, the revolutionary management.”

B: Really “revolutionary”, all right. It was like that in those days. As soon as you went into the shop it went like this: “Serve the People!” Comrade, I’d like to ask a question.

A: “Struggle Against Selfishness and Criticize Revisionism!” Go ahead.

B: [to the audience] Well, at least he didn’t ignore me. [Back in character] “Destroy Capitalism and Elevate the Proletariat!” I’d like to have my picture taken.

A: “Do Away with the Private and Establish the Public!” What size?

B: “The Revolution is Without Fault!” A three-inch photo.

A: “Rebellion is Justified!” Okay, please give me the money.

B: “Politics First and Foremost!” How much?

A: “Strive for Immediate Results!” One yuan three mao.

B: “Criticize Reactionary Authorities!” Here’s the money.

A: “Oppose Rule by Money!” Here’s your receipt.

B: “Sweep Away Class Enemies of All Kinds!” Thank you.

The piece catapulted the young performer Jiang Kun into instant success, and more pieces followed. For a brief period of time, crosstalk had an officially sanctioned target and almost total license to attack it.

This period of satiric openness did not last long. Once the brief period of letting off steam had subsided, political topics were once again off-limits. Those in power did not wish for discontent with recently-toppled regime to begin to spill over into the current one. Genuine laughter is liberating, contagious, and ultimately threatening to the established rule.

However, crosstalk was at least able to return to its roots, and no one was more qualified to lead in this renewal than the art’s greatest living practitioner, Hou Baolin. Hou had been rehabilitated at the end of the Cultural Revolution after being branded as a “rightist”, and was now free to continue the work of revising and expanding the crosstalk repertoire. Hou Baolin was a self-taught performer with a prodigious memory and an uncanny ear. With a Buster Keaton deadpan face and a relaxed, understated style, his performances had an urbane sophistication lacking in many other performers. Hou’s strong point was not satire per se, but rather the basic skills of the art, which involved imitating dialects and opera styles, and capturing the rich range of Chinese speech in impressive vocal displays. With these techniques as a basis, he revisited and revamped the older pieces, recycling and playing with the rich set of plots and characters in traditional Chinese literature and mythology. As popular as he was, his performances could only be characterized as masterful museum pieces. They represented the (pasteurized) cream of the old repertoire. With his undisputed comedic mastery, and with the content of his performances safely apolitical, Hou maintained a position as the premier crosstalk performer during the decades after 1949, becoming practically synonymous with the art itself.

As towering a figure as Hou was, he was not the person to take on the task of incorporating subject matter relevant to Deng Xiaoping’s China. Jobs, family relationships, consumer behavior, social attitudes; all were changing at a dizzying pace, and for crosstalk to remain funny, it would have to begin to reflect these new developments. What the increasingly sophisticated audience was crying out for was comedy material that examined the current realities of Chinese life, jokes that dealt head-on with the new and often traumatic changes unfolding under the new market economy. The raw material for such humor was certainly out there in abundance, and by all rights the 1980s should have been a heyday for Chinese crosstalk performers.

It didn’t happen. The task of producing effective crosstalk material was made nearly impossible by the fact that the government was still not allowing any content in the arts that smacked of criticism. Satire needs a target, but what social phenomena could performers possibly use as fodder for humor? The increasing ranks of laid-off workers? The chaotic collapse of the longstanding danwei (“work unit”) system? The gaudy excesses of China’s nouveau rich? The spoiled-brat “little emperors” resulting from the one-child policy? Such juicy topics were off-limits, effectively preventing crosstalk humor from even getting off the ground. Even more frustrating was the fact that all these topics were being lampooned in the rich underground repertoire of jokes, doggerel poems, and song parodies circulating among the public. The jokes being told by cab drivers were funnier than those of the professional comedians on TV. What were crosstalk performers to do? They rehashed old material. They parodied TV ads. They recited tongue-twisters. They resorted to slapstick. And the form continued its downward slide, with audiences becoming bored and disgusted with the increasingly irrelevant blather performers were forced to produce.

For a very brief time in the late 1980s, however, it seemed as if one performer, Jiang Kun, teamed up with a talented young writer named Liang Zuo, might be able to put some teeth back into crosstalk by adopting a tactic that creative artists under other repressive regimes have employed, namely incorporating subversive messages into their work while on the surface adhering to guidelines of political correctness.

The first success of this duo was a piece called “Reflections in the Tiger’s Mouth”, the basic premise of which is as follows. A young man accidentally falls into a tiger pit at the zoo and finds himself face to face with a hungry tiger. Attempts to rescue him fail, and, suddenly forced to confront his own mortality, he frantically searches for some metaphysical consolation in his last remaining moments of life. But where to turn at this existential crisis point? His thoughts turn to a few communist slogans and the Four Modernizations, but these fail to provide either escape or spiritual comfort:

A: [Shouting to spectators looking down into the tiger pit] Hey, up there! Shouting slogans won’t do any good, the tiger doesn’t understand them! Hey, up there! If you really want to emulate the spirit of Lei Feng, some of you should come down here and rescue me!

B: Did any of them come down?

A: “Communist Party members follow me!”

B: Are you a Communist Party member?

A: Uh, don’t ask. Anyway, it was obviously me who took the lead in coming down here in the first place! . . .

B: After all this time you haven’t thought of a way to escape!

A: Take it easy! Wait till I discuss this with the tiger.

B: Oh, so you’re going to discuss it with the tiger?

A: We’re going to do a little “ideological work”. [addressing the tiger] “Tiger! Tiger! Open your eyes and take a good look at me. I’m pretty skinny — no meat!…Tiger, if you have mercy on me today and don’t eat me, if you let me get out of this, I. . . I promise I’ll lead a good life. I’ll not only work for the Four Modernizations, I’ll even work for the Eight Modernizations. I won’t show up late for work at my work unit, and in the evening I won’t leave early. I’ll do everything my superiors tell me. At home I’ll be a model of filial piety, I’ll cherish my brothers and sisters. On the street I’ll obey the traffic rules, and I won’t spit on the ground!”

He then seeks some metaphysical solace in various religions — Christianity, Islam, Buddhism — but realizes to his dismay that he doesn’t know enough about any of these belief systems to take advantage of what they have to offer. When he is finally pulled to safety, he once again puts these metaphysical questions aside as he directs his attention to wooing the attractive young lady who helped organize his rescue.

The genius of the piece is its two levels of meaning. On the surface it is merely a humorous vignette about a hapless Everyman frantically trying to save his own skin, and Jiang Kun delivers a manic Jerry Lewis-like performance that makes this reading plausible. But the underlying message was evident to those who could read between the lines: namely that the Party, in abandoning the legacy of Chinese history and replacing it with merely a bankrupt and empty ideology, had failed to provide ordinary people with any moral or ethical grounding for their daily lives. Jiang and Liang had a hit on their hands, a piece that truly resonated with audiences — and it made it past the censors!

In another piece called “Self-Selection”, Liang Zuo manages to deal humorously with issues of gender identity, and even to flirt with the topic of homosexuality and bisexuality — issues that were not then or now acceptable topics for TV humor. The protagonist goes to the doctor and is told that he has come down with an extremely rare gender disorder: he is now exactly half-way between a man and a woman — he is neither male nor female. There is, however, an operation that can be performed on a special a gland in the brain. If the doctor twists the gland to the right, the patient will become fully male again; if the gland is twisted to the left, the patient will become a female. The doctor, realizing that this is a momentous decision, advises the patient to go home and discuss the options with friends and family members.

What follows is an exposition of the advantages and disadvantages of being one sex or the other in the Chinese social context. In the process of hypothesizing and weighing options, the protagonist keeps getting his gender roles confused:

A: As a woman I would still have to find a mate... Hey, how about if I choose a man as a mate?

B: Aren’t women supposed to look for men?

A: ... Okay, I’ve got to make a careful decision. A matter of “Till death do us part”, I can’t choose just anybody. I’ll pick... Hey, how about Little Mengzi at our work unit? He’s in a leadership position.

B: You have to decide this for yourself.

A: Nah, Little Mengzi doesn’t have the right look. He’s only 1.65 meters tall.... He has these stupid-looking double-fold eyelids — his eyes look like two belly buttons! He’s so short and dumpy, yet he loves to wear blue jeans, his two little buns poking out so tight... I can’t figure out figure out why that Li girl would pick him.

B: Huh? Little Mengzi has a fiancé?

A: They’ve been engaged more than a year now.

B: Then why are you butting in?

A: Isn’t everybody advocating “the third party sticking their foot in the door” these days? [Chinese term for the third member of the triangle in an extramarital affair]

B: Who’s advocating that?

A: Well what are all these articles in the newspapers and magazines on the subject?

B: They’re all opposing it!

A: ... Well, anyway, who’s “the third party” after all? Little Mengzi’s fiancé is the “third party”, not me! I’ve been sharing a bunk-bed with Little Mengzi ever since I started work at the factory. Has she ever spent the night in the same room with him? Plus, if I get married to Little Mengzi, it’ll save a lot of trouble. We wouldn’t even have to apply for housing, we could just move my bedding from the top bunk to the bottom bunk and that would be it! The housing situation is so tight these days, it would save the leaders of the work unit a lot of hassle!

B: You’ve got an answer for everything!

A: Sure! With so much competition for housing, you leaders have to think of some solution. If everyone did like I’m proposing, men marrying men and women marrying women...[pause] Uh, I guess that would be crazy wouldn’t it?

B: You’re finally catching on.

In the end the protagonist, having discovered that both genders have their advantages, chooses not to have the operation at all. “I’ll just stay like this — right in the middle!” he says. Again, for the vast majority of the audience, the humor of the piece is perceived to center around the protagonist’s obvious violations of “common sense”. But to hipper members of the audience — and especially gays and bisexuals — exchanges such as the above were knowingly evocative. In China’s homophobic society, where crowded same-sex dorm rooms and living arrangements are the rule, the situation hinted at here would be immediately recognizable to many as the only means for homosexuals to enjoy relatively safe, long-term clandestine sexual relationships. Furthermore, merely toying with the blurring of gender roles in a humorous context can lead to deeper reflection and awareness of these issues on the part of the average Chinese, who might never encounter an open and serious discussion of the subject elsewhere. As a piece of social satire operating in the context of the relatively more restrictive social environment, one might make a comparison to the 50’s Hollywood film Some Like it Hot, where cross-dressing and gender-switching were all played for laughs, yet a more challenging — even subversive — subtext was there to be read by anyone sensitized to it.

The best Liang-Jiang collaboration was a piece entitled “Big News”, which was premiered as part of the televised Chinese New Year’s festival in the spring before the Tiananmen Square crackdown. The piece was an immediate and phenomenal hit. The premise is as follows. A tells B that he has heard it through the xiaodao xiaoxi, (“back alley information”, i.e., “the grapevine”) that the government is about to come up with a bold new experiment: Tiananmen Square is going to be converted into an outdoor free market, where hundreds of getihu enterprises would be allowed to set up stalls and hawk everything from blue jeans to VCRs. The straight man is incredulous that the historic square would be converted to such a crass commercial venue:

B: Tiananmen Square is the window of China. How could it be appropriate to plunk an outdoor market down there?

A: Window of China? Right! Foreigners don’t know what China is like. They can take one look at the square and say “An open-air market? Hey! China has a commodity-based economy!” Taking another look, they say “Hmm, and everything is pretty cheap, too! Okay, now we know!” And that’s the first step.

B: Oh, so now they know.

A: A window, you said. They take one look and get the picture. Foreigners take one look and think “Not bad!” ... It’ll put their minds at ease. “So much bustling activity, so much prosperity! Surely China will have no trouble repaying its debts!”

The jokester proceeds to counter all of the straight man’s objections. You say the marketplace will clutter up the front of the Great Hall of the People? This has advantages for the leaders — when they get hungry during a particularly exhausting meeting, they can just step outside and buy a bowl of wonton soup! You say the open air market would be a distraction during important governmental activities? On the contrary, the market would provide visual aids; when the topic of the meeting came around to the problem of poor quality-control in industry, all the goods arrayed in the outdoor stalls could serve as handy examples. And so on.

The piece was dynamite humor at the time. The ostensible premise was the perils of gullibly swallowing the absurd rumors circulated in the xiaodao xiaoxi, but more astute members of the audience were, of course, aware of the delicious irony of the true underlying subtext, which poked fun at the contradiction between China’s rapid economic reforms and its continuing rearguard political policies. Of course, “Big News” didn’t merely point out this dichotomy — it rubbed the government’s nose in it. Audiences at the time laughed gleefully at the incongruous image of the somber square filled with hundreds of small capitalistic entrepreneurs at their outdoor stalls catering to rowdy hordes of bargain-hunting shoppers. The piece continued to be performed and talked about during the following few months of 1989, as life imitated art: Tiananmen Square indeed came to resemble a kind of boisterous outdoor marketplace as the student protesters took over. The piece managed to achieve something close true political satire, a form of humor totally absent from the Chinese media.

Then came the night of June 4. After the initial chaos of the Tiananmen Square massacre, a new ice age for the arts set in. “Big News” disappeared from the public record, and Liang Zuo himself became fed up with the crosstalk domain, turning to more lucrative TV serials. He died of a heart attack in 2001 at the age of 44. Crosstalk’s slump began to deepen, with the routines becoming increasingly perfunctory and aimless — and not funny. Some of the more talented performers jumped ship, crossing over into movies or cashing in on their fame by starting their own companies. What was left was a core group of veteran performers who were reliably entertaining but increasingly irrelevant, and a rag-tag assortment of inexperienced rookies who could only recycle lame jokes or wail pop song parodies.

And so the situation remains today. The result is that crosstalk’s presence on TV and radio has diminished significantly. Nor is the situation much better with live theater performances. Beijing, the center of the art form, now has virtually no venues where one can enjoy a performance on any given night. The more traditional city of Tianjin fares a bit better, boasting a few traditional performing arts teahouses (perhaps the Chinese equivalent of comedy clubs) where loyal fans can pay five yuan and spend an evening munching sunflower seeds and drinking tea while watching crosstalk. Unfettered by the time constraints of television, veteran performers are free to spin out the traditional pieces (some lasting as long as an hour) in more or less their full glory. Good as these routines are, some of the pieces are more than 50 years old. It would be as if New York audiences flocked to a comedy clubs to enjoy reprisals of Jack Benny or the Marx Brothers. Classic stuff, to be sure, but humor must reflect the times.

Nobody is more painfully aware of these problems than crosstalk performers themselves. It is they who have to endure the nightly “flop sweat” arising from confronting bored and contemptuous audiences. The words of one veteran performer are typical:

Naturally we all agree that crosstalk just isn’t funny anymore. It’s the computer age, but we’re still up there doing pieces about Peking Opera and peddler’s cries. The tragedy is, there is plenty of material out there. Everyone complains about the traffic in Beijing. Can we make a joke about it? No. It would be construed as a criticism of the municipal traffic authorities. Everyone is downloading porn from the Internet now. Can we mention this in a joke? Forget it. It would be admitting that Chinese people have sexual hang-ups, too… And never mind poking a little innocent fun at our political leaders. Never in a million years. So what’s the point of even trying to be funny?

In fact, every facet of daily life is so politicized in China, that crosstalk performers actually find themselves avoiding indigenous Chinese subject matter for their routines. For part of his performance in the CCTV Spring Festival show for the Year of the Horse, Jiang Kun, the leading performer of his generation, simply revamped a couple of foreign jokes downloaded from the Internet. Surely one would think that some culturally relevant, home-grown Chinese humor would have been more appropriate for such an important TV event. Perhaps it was not worth the multi-leveled steeplechase that the censorship process entails.

The result of decades of constant conservative pressure from these TV censors is that the general tone of all the entertainment media in China is now unrelentingly laudatory, saccharine and Pollyanna-ish. And this style has become so ingrained that any content that is the least bit irreverent, iconoclastic, snide, or mocking (i.e., anything displaying the essential attitudes of humor) is perceived as downright crass and socially disruptive. Such an atmosphere of polite, cheery civility is not conducive to the performing arts in general, but for the purely verbal humor of crosstalk, it is paralyzing.

The Chinese audience, now savvier and more internationalized, craves something spontaneous and honest, but crosstalk performers seem unable to provide it. One famous performer (who asks that I not use his name) laments that his career in the PRC has left him incapable of performing comedy in any other way:

I’ve been overseas, and I’ve seen these American comedians like Robin Williams interacting with the audience, and so much of it is just improvised. My fans say “You’re so funny, and quick-witted. I bet you could do that, too. Why not just get up on the stage and go with the situation, play it by ear with the audience? People would love it.” But I say, no, it’s really too late for me. If right now you gave me the total freedom to stand up on the stage and say anything at all, in the end I’d just end up mouthing the same old things, falling back on the same routines. It’s second-nature to me now. There might be hope for the next generation, but for not for me. This is all I know how to do now.

Yet where is this new generation to come from? The most serious sign of the crosstalk’s moribund status is that virtually no stars have arisen in the past ten years. Clearly, the art needs new ideas, new material and new faces, or it is in danger of extinction. But what new talent is going to want to embark on a sinking ship?

I was once at a party attended by several crosstalk performers. As the evening wore on and the maotai liquor flowed, a few of them began to get up and tell jokes that were popular at the time, including this one about police corruption:

A new cop, his first day on the job. After putting in a day’s work, he decides to go to a movie to relax. As he’s standing there in line, the person in front of him turns around, sees his police uniform, and says “You’re new, right?” The cop is surprised.

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t wait in line, they just cut to the front of the line.”

The cop thinks, “Great! One of the advantages of being a cop!” So he cuts into the head of the line, and indeed no one dares object. He pulls out his wallet to buy a ticket and the ticket seller says “You’re new, right?”

“Why, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t have to buy tickets. They just go in for free.” The cop, increasingly pleased with the perks of this job, goes into the theater.

He starts to look for a seat on the ground floor. Someone says “You’re new, right?”

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t sit with the ordinary people. They go up to the reserved padded seats in the balcony.” The cop is pleased with this, and goes up to the reserved seats.

As soon as he sits down, the person next to him says. “You’re new, right?”

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t sit politely with their feet on the floor. They always lean back and put their feet up on the seat in front of them.” So he leans back and puts his feet up. And he’s thinking this is a pretty good job.

Suddenly he receives a phone call on his cell phone. “We’ve just heard there’s a prostitution ring at the Chaoyang movie theater,” says the police dispatcher. “Go look around and get some evidence, and you can get a promotion!” What luck! The cop happens to be at that very movie theater. So he pulls out his flashlight and begins opening doors, looking for some prostitution activity. And sure enough, upon opening one of the doors, he sees a man in there with three hookers in bed with him.


Triumphantly he says “Get up, all of you! You are all under arrest, including you, buddy.”

One of the hookers says “Hey, you’re new, aren’t you?” Now the cop is really dumbfounded.

“Yeah, but how in the world could you possibly know that?”

The prostitute points to the man in bed with them and says “You don’t recognize your own chief of police??”

This joke is typical of the kind of humor that circulates among the general populace and gets sent around the Internet in China. Mild as it is, this joke could never be told on Chinese TV. After the laughter died down, the performer who told the joke complained to me:

You know, there is so much resentment against the police right now. I would love to be able to tell this joke on the stage. The audience would go crazy, for sure. I always feel that this is the kind of humor we should be making, stuff that the audience can identify with, stuff that really reflects the kind of problems they meet in everyday life. As years go by, news events come and go, and all kinds of these jokes make the rounds, but they never get aired on TV. Year after year all sorts of marvelous humor is produced and then forgotten, and never makes in on the public record. Centuries from now, people will look back and say “Where was the humor in China after 1949?” Well, it was here, folks, they just wouldn’t let us speak it out loud.

It is ironic that China, with the world’s largest population, also wastes more human resources than any country on earth. An entire generation of talent was effectively lost during the Cultural Revolution. And it could be argued that, since 1949, China has metaphorically shackled and silenced all its Lenny Bruces, Mort Sahls, Richard Pryors, Dick Gregorys, Eddie Murphys and Margaret Chos. Of course, all cultures are different, and such potential Chinese comedic geniuses would have undoubtedly produced standup comedy with “Chinese characteristics”. The pity is that we will never know what that comedy might have been like.

If crosstalk is dying, it is not because of inexorable market forces, or because of some ineffable cultural difference. It is rather the fault of the Communist Party, whose paranoia and pathetic sense of dignity has produced a media environment in which nothing truly humorous can ever arise and flourish. It is the Party that killed the laughter. And this is truly no laughing matter.

2009年1月25日 星期日

BBC:上海公安局外爆炸 1人死亡

2009年01月25日 格林尼治标准时间15:40北京时间 23:40发表

上海公安局大门外不远处发生一起爆炸事件,导致1人死亡。

目前死者身份还不清楚,事故原因也正在调查中。

根据大陆官方媒体报道,上海市公安局位于武宁南路,当地时间中午12时左右发生爆炸,当时,路边行人稀少,没有其他人员伤亡。

目前,中国全国上下都正在庆祝农历新年。而每一年的这个时候,都有人死于燃放烟花爆竹造成的事故。

上海去年曾经发生过"杨佳袭警"案。今天的爆炸事件是否针对警方,还有待调查。

2009年1月23日 星期五

If HU were OBAMA

录音下载


美国政府网站奥巴马就职致词官方中译本

2009.01.20
http://www.america.gov/st/usg-chinese/None/None/20090120132232abretnuh0.422497.html

奥巴马总统就职演说全文

(转载本文不受版权限制)

巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)于2009年1月20日宣誓就职美国第44任总统。以下是奥巴马总统就职演说的中译文,由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据演说记录稿翻译。

______________________________________________

巴拉克·奥巴马总统就职演说

2009年1月20日星期二

华盛顿哥伦比亚特区

(Washington,D.C.)

同胞们:

我今天站在这里,深感面前使命的重大,深谢你们赋予的信任,并铭记我们前辈所付的代价。我感谢布什总统对国家的贡献以及他在整个过渡阶段给予的大度合作。

至此,有四十四个美国人发出总统誓言。这些字词曾在蒸蒸日上的繁荣时期和宁静安详的和平年代诵读。但是间或,它们也响彻在阴云密布、风暴降临的时刻。美国能够历经这些时刻而勇往直前,不仅因为当政者具有才干或远见,而且也因为“我们人民”始终坚信我们先辈的理想,对我们的建国理念忠贞不渝。

这是过来之路。这是这一代美国的必由之路。

我们处于危机之中,这一点已得到充分认识。我国在进行战争,打击分布广泛的暴力和仇恨势力。我们的经济严重衰弱,部分归咎于一些人的贪婪不轨,同时也因为我们作为一个整体,未能痛下决心,让国家作好面对新时代的准备。如今,住房不再,就业减少,商业破产。医疗保健费用过度昂贵;学校质量没有保障;而每一天都在不断显示,我们使用能源的方式在助长敌人的威风,威胁我们的星球。

这些是危机的迹象,数据统计将予以证明。不易于衡量然而同样严重的是全国各地受动摇的信心——一种挥之不去的恐惧感,认为美国将不可避免地走下坡路,下一代人不得不放低眼光。

今天,我告诉大家,我们面临的挑战真实存在,并且严重而多重。它们不可能在一个短时间内被轻易征服。但是,美国,请记住这句话——它们将被征服。

我们今天聚集在这里是因为我们选择希望而不是恐惧,选择齐心协力而不是冲突对立。

我们今天在这里宣告,让斤斤计较与虚假承诺就此结束,让窒息我国政治为时太久的相互指责和陈词滥调就此完结。

我们仍是一个年轻的国家,但用圣经的话说,现在是抛弃幼稚的时侯了。现在应是我们让永恒的精神发扬光大的时侯,应是选择创造更佳历史业绩的时侯,应是将代代相传的宝贵财富、崇高理想向前发展的时侯:上帝赋予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的机会。

在重申我们国家伟大精神的同时,我们懂得,伟大从非天生,而是必须赢得。我们的历程从来不是走捷径或退而求其次的历程。它不是弱者的道路——它不属于好逸恶劳或只图名利享受的人;这条路属于冒险者,实干家,创造者——有些人享有盛名,但大多数是默默无闻耕耘劳作的男女志士,是他们带我们走向通往繁荣和自由的漫长崎岖之路。

为了我们,他们打点起贫寒的行装上路,远涉重洋,追求新生活。

为了我们,他们在血汗工厂劳作,在西部原野拓荒,忍着鞭笞之痛在坚硬的土地上耕耘。

为了我们,他们奔赴疆场,英勇捐躯,长眠于康科德、葛底斯堡、诺曼底和溪山。

为了我们能够过上更好的生活,他们前赴后继,历尽艰辛,全力奉献,不辞劳苦,直至双手结起层层老茧。他们看到的美国超越了我们每一个人的雄心壮志,也超越了所有种族、财富或派系的差异。

今天,作为后来者,我们踏上了这一未竟的旅程。我们依然是地球上最繁荣、最强大的国家。我们的劳动者的创造力并没有因为眼前的这场危机而减弱。我们的头脑依然像以往那样善于发明创新。我们的产品与服务仍旧像上星期、上个月或去年一样受人欢迎。我们的能力丝毫无损。但是,维持现状、保护狭隘的利益集团、推迟困难的抉择的时代无疑已成为过去。从今天起,我们必须振作起来,扫除我们身上的尘土,重新开启再造美国的事业。

无论我们把目光投向何处,都有工作在等待着我们。经济形势要求我们果敢而迅速地行动,我们将不辱使命——不仅要创造新的就业机会,而且要打下新的增长基础。我们将建造道路和桥梁,架设电网,铺设承载我们的商务和把我们紧密相连的电子通讯网络。我们将恢复尊重科学的传统,利用高新技术的超常潜力提高医疗保健质量并降低成本。我们将利用太阳能、风力和地热为车辆和工厂提供能源。我们将改造我们的中小学和高等院校,以应对新时代的挑战。这一切我们都能做到。这一切我们必将做到。

现在,有人怀疑我们的雄心壮志——他们说我们的体制不能承受太多的宏伟规划。他们的记忆是短暂的,因为他们忘记了这个国家已经取得的成就,忘记了一旦共同的目标插上理想的翅膀、现实的要求鼓起勇气的风帆,自由的人民就会爆发出无穷的创造力。

那些冷眼旁观的人没有认识到他们脚下的大地已经移动——那些长期以来空耗我们的精力的陈腐政治观点已经过时。我们今天提出的问题不是我们的政府太大还是太小,而是它是否行之有效——它是否能够帮助人们找到报酬合理的就业机会,是否能够为他们提供费用适度的医疗保健服务,是否能够确保他们在退休后不失尊严。如果回答是肯定的,我们就要向前推进。如果回答是否定的,计划和项目必须终止。作为公共资金的管理者,我们必须承担责任——明智地使用资金,抛弃坏习惯,在阳光下履行职责——因为只有这样我们才能恢复人民对政府的至关重要的信任。

我们提出的问题也不在于市场力量是替天行道还是为虎作伥。市场在生成财富和传播自由方面具有无与伦比的力量,但这场危机提醒我们:没有严格的监督,市场就会失控——如果一个国家仅仅施惠于富裕者,其富裕便不能持久。我们的经济成功从来不是仅仅依赖国内总产值的规模,而是还依赖繁荣的普及,即为每一位愿意致富的人提供机会的能力——不是通过施舍——因为这才是最可靠的共同富裕之路。

至于我们的共同防御,我们决不接受安全与理念不可两全的荒谬论点。建国先贤面对我们难以想见的险恶局面,起草了一部保障法治和人权的宪章,一部子孙后代以自己的鲜血使之更加完美的宪章。今天,这些理念仍然照耀着世界,我们不会为一时之利而弃之。因此,对于今天正在观看此情此景的其他各国人民和政府──从最繁华的首都到我父亲出生的小村庄──我们希望他们了解:凡追求和平与尊严的国家以及每一位男人、妇女和儿童,美国是你们的朋友。我们已经做好准备,再一次走在前面。回顾过去,几代人在战胜法西斯主义和共产主义时依靠的不仅仅是导弹和坦克,更是牢固的联盟和不渝的信念。他们懂得单凭实力无法保护我们的安全,实力也并不赋予我们随心所欲的权利。相反,他们知道审慎使用实力会使我们更强大;我们的安全源于事业的正义性、典范的感召力、以及谦卑和克制的平衡作用。

我们是这一传统的继承者。我们只要重新以这些原则为指导,就能应对那些新威胁,为此必须付出更大的努力──推动国家间更多的合作与理解。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克移交给伊拉克人民,并在阿富汗巩固来之不易的和平。我们将与多年的朋友和昔日的对手一道不懈地努力,减轻核威胁,扭转全球变暖的厄运。我们不会在价值观念上退缩,也不会动摇捍卫它的决心,对于那些妄图以煽动恐怖和屠杀无辜的手段达到其目的的人,我们现在就告诉你们,我们的意志更加顽强、坚不可摧;你们无法拖垮我们,我们必将战胜你们。

因为我们知道,我们百衲而成的传统是一种优势,而不是劣势。我们是一个由基督教徒和穆斯林、犹太教徒和印度教徒、以及无宗教信仰者组成的国家。我们受惠于地球上四面八方每一种语言和文化的影响。由于我们饮过南北战争和种族隔离的苦水,走出了那个黑暗时代并变得更加坚强和团结,我们不能不相信昔日的仇恨终有一天会成为过去;部族之间的界线很快会消失;随着世界变得越来越小,我们共同的人性将得到彰显;美国必须为迎来一个和平的新纪元发挥自己的作用。

面对穆斯林世界,我们寻求一条新的前进道路,以共同利益和相互尊重为基础。对于世界上那些妄图制造矛盾、将自己社会的弊端归罪于西方的领导人,我们奉劝你们:你们的人民将以你们的建设成就而不是你们的毁灭能力来评判你们。对于那些依靠腐败、欺骗、压制不同意见等手段固守权势的人,我们提醒你们:你们站在了历史错误的一边;但只要你们放弃压迫,我们将伸手相助。

对于贫困国家的人民,我们保证同你们并肩努力,为你们的农田带来丰收,让清洁的用水取之不竭;使饥饿的身体得以饱食,使饥渴的心灵受到滋润。对于那些象我们一样比较富裕的国家,我们要说我们再不能对他人的苦难无动于衷,也再不能肆意消耗世界的资源。世界已经改变,我们必须与时俱进。

在思索我们面前的道路时,我们怀着崇敬的心情感谢此刻正在偏远的沙漠和山区巡逻的英勇无畏的美国人。他们向我们述说着什么,正如在阿灵顿(Arlington)公墓长眠的阵亡英雄在漫漫岁月中的轻声呼唤。我们崇敬他们,不仅因为他们捍卫着我们的自由,而且因为他们代表着献身精神,体现了超越个人,寻求远大理想的意愿。然而,在这个时刻,这个具有划时代意义的时刻,我们大家必须具备的正是这种精神。

虽然政府能有许多作为也必须有许多作为,但最终离不开美国人民的信仰和决心,这便是我国的立国之本。正是因为人们在大堤崩裂时接纳陌生人的关爱之情,正是因为工人们宁愿减少自己的工时而不愿看到朋友失去工作的无私精神,才使我们度过了最暗淡的时光。正是因为消防队员们有勇气冲进浓烟滚滚的楼道,也正是因为做父母的希望培养一个孩子,我们才能决定最后的命运。

我们面临的挑战可能前所未闻。我们迎接挑战的方式也可能前所未有。然而,我们赖以成功的价值观──诚实和勤奋、勇气和公平、宽容心和探索精神、忠诚和爱国──均由来以久。这些价值观都是千真万确的。这些价值观是我国整个历史过程中一股无声的进步力量。现在需要的便是重归这些真理。我们现在需要做的是开创负责任的新时代──每一位美国人都需要认识到我们对自己、对国家、对全世界都承担着义务。对于这些义务,我们并非勉强接受,而是心甘情愿主动承担,同时坚信我们为艰巨的使命付出一切,没有任何事可以如此满足我们的道义感,也没有任何事能如此体现我们的特性。

这就是公民的义务和承诺。

这就是我们自信的来源──认识到上帝呼唤我们把握住难以确定的命运。

这就是我们的自由和我们坚守的信条具有的意义──说明了为什么各种族、各类信仰的男女老少能在这个雄伟的大草坪上欢聚一堂,也说明了为什么今天有人能站在这里进行最庄严的宣誓,但不到60年前他父亲在当地餐馆还不能受到接待。

为此,让我们记住这一天,记住我们是什么样的人,记住我们已经走过了多长的路。在美利坚诞生的年月,在那些最寒冷的日子里,为数不多的爱国者聚集在一条冰河的岸边,身旁的篝火即将熄灭。首都已经撤防。敌人正在进军。雪地沾满了斑斑血迹。在我们的革命何去何从,结局最难以估计的时刻,我国的开国元勋决定向人民宣读以下这段话:

"让我们昭告未来的世界......在这个酷寒的冬季,万物萧索,唯有希望和美德坚忍不拔......这个城市和这个国家,受到共同危难的召唤,挺身而出,奋起迎战。"

美利坚。在我们面临共同危难之际,在我们遇到艰难险阻的冬日,让我们牢记这些永恒的话语。心怀希望和美德,让我们再一次不惧严寒,勇为中流砥柱,不论什么风暴来袭,我们必将坚不可摧。今后,让我们的后代子孙如此评说:我们在遇到考验的时候没有半途而废,没有退缩不前,也没有丝毫动摇;让我们全神贯注,高瞻远瞩,感谢上帝对我们的恩典,继承自由这个宝贵的传统,平稳地世代相传。

(完)

2009年1月21日 星期三

旷世奇帖!不看算你白活!

http://junshi.club.xilu.com/bbs/emas/newsview-821955-3110939-1.html

小宇姐姐供稿



以下为原帖:

震惊!庆祝奥巴马登基大典全是黑人捧场,白宫周围竟没白人!

出处:西陆东方军事 作者:akaaaa
时间:2009-01-20 14:45:03 点击:47287

震惊:白宫周围居然没有几个白人,白人对黑人当选总统后,人心齐,泰山移,呵呵,看来“美国白宫和国会准备刷黑色油漆和黑色的黑金砂大理石!以显示黑人统治白人人,黑人管理白人!”


1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,国会山和国家广场一带的人流熙熙攘攘。
奥巴马将于1月20日在国会山宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
大批民众连日来从四面八方涌入首都,准备见证奥巴马就职。
届时,在国家广场一带观礼的人数预计将达200万以上。新华社





1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,一批奥巴马的支持者在国会山下留影。新华社




1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,来自旧金山的儿童合唱团演员
在国会山总统就职典礼会场彩排。
奥巴马将于1月20日在这里宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
目前最后的准备工作正在进行。新华社


1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,一位头戴"奥巴马帽"的游客在白宫前留影。
奥巴马将于1月20日宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,成为白宫的新主人。新华社


这是1月19日在美国首都华盛顿拍摄的白宫。
奥巴马将于1月20日宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
成为白宫的新主人。新华社


这是1月19日在美国首都华盛顿拍摄的国会山总统就职典礼会场。
奥巴马将于1月20日在这里宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
目前最后的准备工作正在进行。新华社
以下为群众来信精选


编者按:这些来自群众的心声,从深度到广度都非同凡响。除了一小撮别有用心的人混杂在群众当中散布不可告人的言论(这里基本不予登载),绝大多数群众的立场是正确的,甚至掌握了高超的斗争艺术。这证明多年来他们党的教育和宣传工作效果卓著、成绩喜人。有的群众一针见血地揭示美国种族矛盾和民主政治本质,有的群众高瞻远瞩地指出了美国分崩离析的必然前途,有的群众高唱种族主义和民族主义的最和谐主旋律,对美国的自娱自乐予以毫不留情的迎头痛击,更有群众采用生动活泼的谐音,诸如“霉国”、“嗷爸妈”,以及栩栩如生的通感修辞法,诸如“黑鬼”、“黑宫”,他们运用博大精深的中华传统文学智慧,对世界上最强大的邪恶帝国作着乐观顽强的斗争。这些丰富多彩的来信,写得何等好啊!群众的眼睛是雪亮的,群众的智慧是无穷的,向群众学习,向群众致敬,从群众中来,到群众中去,是每个群众千万不能忘记的。

——山寨党中央宣传部红头文件


[156楼] 作者:124.132.2.* 发表时间:2009-01-22 00:24:52
一派胡言 看看奥巴马的行动和他想摆脱黑人底子的心吧
他到底能给美国黑人带来什么

[153楼] 作者:125.73.124.* 发表时间:2009-01-22 00:15:01
这是白人自找的,白人搞同性恋,人越来越少,而黑人越来越多啊。

[152楼] 作者:123.175.246.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 23:51:18
虽然他是黑人,但肯定是白人资本家集团的代言人。支持他竞选,大把掏钱的是谁?不是贫民窟里的黑人,而是白人资本家。

[149楼] 作者:58.243.58.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 20:17:14
恐怖,无秩序。

[145楼] 作者:218.11.30.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 19:11:45
132楼,霉国总统上任,你兴奋啥啊?你是霉国豢养的狗狗吧?!

[143楼] 作者:122.88.9.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 18:54:23
恭贺奥巴马给白宫“抹黑”
不知道什么时候能抹"黄"

[142楼] 作者:222.62.105.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 18:48:57
人猿星球终于在美国实现了!

[141楼] 作者:125.40.24.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 17:03:08
奥巴马是否能想起当年毛泽东帅领中国人民支持美国黑人运动?

[138楼] 作者:124.95.10.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:31:46
哈哈霉国真的不行了!居然弄一个小黑鬼当总统,它们完蛋了!!

[137楼] 作者:117.82.73.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:12:32
黑人管政治不行的.美国怎么衰败到这种地步....真的让个黑人当了总统,美国总统!

[136楼] 作者:221.237.225.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:02:00
奧巴馬不行,比不上任何一個米國總統,你只要仔細看一看他,就不難發現他是一個敗家的主!!

[134楼] 作者:125.33.159.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 15:39:08
恭贺奥巴马给白宫“抹黑”

[133楼] 作者:59.44.233.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 15:21:31
都听好了:
这预示着:本总统只能一个任期,不能连任。下一届总统肯定是白人。同意的顶。

[130楼] 作者:58.254.106.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 14:43:40
顶:美国在嗷爸妈任内至少分裂成南北两个国家,或许发生第二次南北战争,战争的结局是美国彻底分裂,同时也有可能分出一个华人国家——加利福尼亚 !!!

[125楼] 作者:58.220.231.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 13:37:21
美国在嗷爸妈任内至少分裂成南北两个国家,或许发生第二次南北战争,战争的结局是美国彻底分裂,同时也有可能分出一个华人国家——加利福尼亚

[123楼] 作者:116.230.201.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 12:45:30
第一张照片上最近处的一个人(侧面戴帽子的)和左边一个正面的美女明显是白人。

[119楼] 作者:116.24.211.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 12:00:59
奥巴马名字的发音有点像武汉人的骂人口头语。哈哈!

[117楼] 作者:121.230.7.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:56:14
黑宫

[115楼] 作者:121.63.103.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:44:41
这就是美国所谓的人权真实写照,无耻、肮脏的白人猪!

[114楼] 作者:116.233.229.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:41:36
白人们一定会说:“我的上帝,我们的白宫居然被野蛮的猴子占领了。”

[113楼] 作者:218.91.212.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:27:07
美国白宫干脆叫“黑宫”算了。[以下复制n遍。]

[110楼] 作者:123.127.201.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 10:56:12
捐点钱把白宫喷成黑宫吧! 给黑人打气!!!

[107楼] 作者:125.97.14.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 10:19:42
咱们别瞎使好心眼儿,人家民主党比保守党更民主,认为你们比保守党更保守!

[102楼] 作者:125.34.103.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 08:46:49
奥巴马你大祸临头了,真是傻瓜。

[101楼] 作者:125.45.121.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 08:46:18
奥巴马必需为资本家服务,否则他就得下台。

[98楼] 作者:221.8.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:37:38
奥巴马自己挖坑自己跳,他不听资本家的自己就玩完

[97楼] 作者:221.8.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:37:35
奥巴马自己挖坑自己跳,他不听资本家的自己就玩完

[96楼] 作者:122.5.133.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:24:08
人类历史的一次倒退。

[95楼] 作者:125.71.65.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 06:23:39
一个黑人担任美国总统,对美国国内的种族歧视政策是没有任何改变的,美国对全球的侵略是不会停止的.奥巴马虽然是个黑人,但他内心已经被美国的霸权主义染白了.前几天看到一个关于美国白人警察枪杀黑人的新闻,现在看到奥巴马宣誓就职并发表激昂演讲说他们消灭纳粹和XX主义时在下只是无奈一笑,白人已经开始吹响屠杀黑人的号角了,奉劝奥巴马不要铺美帝后承,不要再和中国作对,否则只会两处不讨好.黑人同胞们,让我们拿起手中的镰刀和锤子去打倒美国白人伪政府,为黑人的美好明天而殊死搏斗吧,美国是属于黑人兄弟的."起来,不愿做白鬼的黑人,让黑人的血肉筑成黑人黑的长城,黑人兄弟到了推翻白人的时候,每个黑人被迫发出最后的吼声,起来!起来!起来!黑人万众一心,冒着白人的炮火前进!冒着白人的炮火前进!前进!前进!进!"

[94楼] 作者:216.204.229.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 03:08:33
USA needs a stupid president, not a smart president.

[93楼] 作者:117.75.243.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 01:51:38
我看完直播后感觉一个傻逼! 哈哈 美国必死无疑!它说它们有历史,为民主,有敌人,做领袖,西方好 东方坏,活生生一个不知天高地厚的2逼!全世界60亿人的思维难道就你的正确吗,中国5000年的历史你光读一遍就吓死你,整个一个山间竹笋!

[92楼] 作者:122.158.207.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 01:34:32
刚才谁看新闻了奥巴马讲话说他们消灭了纳粹和共产主义完了就把新闻给中断了妈地什么意思我看出来了奥巴马也不是什么好东西去死吧还消灭共产主义明显就是挑讯看来以后中美都没好日子过了

[88楼] 作者:221.213.45.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:58:17
整天奥巴马的,很烦,一个人改变不了美国,就象当了皇帝的农民领袖一样.

[87楼] 作者:125.36.252.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:27:22
81楼说得好,黑皮肤的白人

[86楼] 作者:117.35.42.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:12:53
我没种族歧视就是恨美国人。

[85楼] 作者:119.32.57.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:11:10
哪个总统没给刺杀过?成不成就看各人造化喽1

[84楼] 作者:222.81.25.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:00:28
又一个骗子上台了!!!只不过这次是一个黑的!!!!

[83楼] 作者:218.82.80.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:41:04
传说中的“黑宫”

[81楼] 作者:222.209.177.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:16:42
他敢把白人的蛋糕分给黑人吗?不敢!他敢动犹太人的金融蛋糕吗?不敢!他敢把美国农民的小麦免费给非洲同胞吗?不敢!他敢从伊拉克和阿富汗撤走所有军队吗?不敢!他敢卖给中国先进技术吗?不敢!..............那他能改变什么?如果他是白人,青年网民会选他吗?不会!唯一改变的也许只是美国人选了个黑皮肤的白人,同时美国又向全世界做了次免费广告“美国梦”!三个月后,再狂欢不迟!

[80楼] 作者:125.74.225.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:13:54
这样下去,美国就有热闹看了!

[79楼] 作者:123.116.148.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 22:44:12
小心三k党。

[77楼] 作者:59.175.139.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 22:40:37
如果奥巴马不想打仗,只能做一任总统.

[76楼] 作者:114.138.33.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 21:43:47
呵呵呵 黑咕隆咚一大堆。白宫可以改改颜色了。哈哈哈

[74楼] 作者:58.68.138.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 21:12:48
黑人照样在底层,除非去打篮球

[71楼] 作者:116.217.101.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:59:42
黑人入主白宫呵呵有意思

[70楼] 作者:123.112.63.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:59:13
白宫改黑宫

[68楼] 作者:218.173.200.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:11:56
黑麻馬

[67楼] 作者:119.122.191.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:00:54
我乃黑客

[66楼] 作者:121.61.210.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:00:37
黑人终于借壳登上现在世界第一权力宝座了~!!恭喜恭喜~~ 希望把你的非洲黑人兄弟全请到美国去享福哦!要地给地 要钱给钱哦~不要小气哦!有福同享嘛~~~嘎嘎!

[64楼] 作者:jhen 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:50:27
奥巴马当时是花白人的钱来参加竞选的,黑人们别高兴的太早了,他只是白人集团的代言人罢了。

[63楼] 作者:121.27.15.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:48:36
拜登具有总统气质

[62楼] 作者:222.79.202.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:44:44
白宫变黑宫了!

[61楼] 作者:大国庆 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:36:27
奥巴马背后也是有财团支持的,因而美国政策也会有一定的延续性。所以,奥巴马上台对美国政策的走向是不会有大的改变的!

[60楼] 作者:58.35.189.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:34:20
21世纪可能都在围绕非洲做文章啊

[59楼] 作者:lin20000xin 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:31:06
美国这黑人国家!呵呵!!

[58楼] 作者:220.188.210.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:19:29
黑白不可能团结吧/弄不好内讧呢

[57楼] 作者:221.224.37.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:07:13
哈哈,搞笑!

[56楼] 作者:wxytjyj 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:04:52
我预言,在奥巴马任期内,必定会遭到白人至上主义者的刺杀。

[55楼] 作者:222.71.13.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:04:49
真正掌控美国政策走向的是那些幕后的财团,奥巴马的能力没那么大!

[53楼] 作者:114.217.45.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:46:41
黑丫丫的一片,白宫不叫白宫了,应该改成黑宫!

[51楼] 作者:117.27.96.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:30:06
好,美国gameover

[49楼] 作者:222.132.24.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:18:02
热烈祝福美国早日实现各民族对立,国土分裂的局面,我就盼着美国出点事

[46楼] 作者:119.126.83.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:16:58
美国将要大打黑白战争

[45楼] 作者:121.27.119.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:13:23
纵观中华民族的历史,饱受欧美西方列强、日本等国的侵略、蹂躏和掠夺,给中国带来了深重灾难。进入二十一世纪,中国仍然面临欧美、日本、印度等国的战略合围,台湾还没有完全收回,垛独、姜独还有着欧美强大的支持;西方对我们政治对抗、制度对立、军事制裁,动辄以民主、人权、法制为借口,不断制造事端干涉中国主权。中国上百年来的屈辱史就是欧美、日本列强施予我们的,如今中国的主权、领土完整不断受到威胁、干涉仍然还是这些所谓的民主国家强加给我们的。爱国不是一句空话,爱国很简单,抵制日本鬼子的货 ,抵制韩国棒子的货。抵制法国货。。支持国产,支持民族品牌!!!

[44楼] 作者:zhuaijun1971 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:05:41
美国应分成白色美国和黑色美国,就好比南韩\北韩

[41楼] 作者:222.209.114.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:47:56
奥巴马可能活不长

[40楼] 作者:222.95.213.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:43:59
又一个恐怖分子头目出现了,菩萨保佑这个可怜的世界吧

[37楼] 作者:119.141.135.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:15:26
美国苦难日子来临啦.

[36楼] 作者:221.196.7.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:09:49
白宫还是白色的吗??

[35楼] 作者:123.4.178.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:00:35
奥马如果不能为大财团谋利,必遭杀身之祸,这是美国社会制度决定的。

[32楼] 作者:58.49.8.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:49:35
颜色革命嘛

[30楼] 作者:221.123.192.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:29:19
感觉奥巴马做不长,会被刺杀掉。

[28楼] 作者:219.134.236.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:22:47
我也有同感!!!在人种观念比较强的美国,黑人当选总统本身就是比较危险的,势必早到种族极端分子的仇视。同时,奥巴马的个人经历和人种观,上任后政策措施势必偏向穷苦的黑人家庭,提高高收入群体的税收来救济贫苦的家庭,这就会得罪大财团,其结果是英勇就义,成为林肯第二!两年后便见分晓。

[23楼] 作者:219.138.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:57:43
奥拉巴马有可能成为下一个林肯尼迪!!! [以下复制n遍]

[18楼] 作者:snrvjiqpl 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:57:02
黑人同样优秀.毛泽东时期就反对美国的种族岐视,而今验证了毛泽东的观点!

[13楼] 作者:msy0791 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:48:38
各位网友,在社会制度上,千万别站这山望那山高,我国要真是专治独裁,你们还有可能在网上如此发贴吗?至于各位羡慕的美国民主,今后会有乐子好看了,只要诸位耐心等待就行

[12楼] 作者:218.13.235.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:44:28
看来美国黑人终于有了出头之日,美国白人的道德已沦丧,黑人才是当今潮流。但愿奥巴马能有所改变。近年来美国在世界各地到处杀人的现状可能会得以解决????

[11楼] 作者:msy0791 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:36:35
俄国预言家的预言真有可能变成事实。粤巴马接管白宫之时,也就是美国分裂的开始。很可能从内战开始,然后一些州则宣布独立脱离合众国,粤巴马无力调动海陆空三军进行镇压,海外军团将杀回国内,形成军伐混战局面。个人浅见希众网友指教。





外一帖:

http://club.xilu.com/emas/msgview-821955-3115498.html

喜看奥童鞋惨遭和谐

BBC:中国媒体删减奥巴马就职演说

2009年01月21日 格林尼治标准时间06:59北京时间 14:59发表

美国新任总统奥巴马在就职典礼演说中提到“共产主义”和“异见人士”等词,被中国官方媒体刻意删除过滤。

在长达18分钟的演讲中,奥巴马曾说到:“回想先辈们在抵抗法西斯主义和共产主义之时,他们不仅依靠手中的导弹或坦克,他们还依靠稳固的联盟和坚定的信仰。”

中国中央电视台新闻频道星期三当天直播了奥巴马的就职演说,并且配有同声传译。

可是当女翻译照翻不误地说完“共产主义”这句话后,她的声音立刻被拉下来,画面切到毫无防备的女主持人。

女主持人马上把话题转到美国经济,并转身与在美国新闻中心的同事连线对话,后者刚开始也显得有点手足无措。

有关短片已经被网友上载到视频网站YouTube。

“敏感”词语

中国门户网站新浪、搜狐和易网在刊登奥巴马的演讲词时,删去了其中的“共产主义”一词。

而奥巴马讲演词中的另一段落,则被前两个网站完全删除。

奥巴马说:“那些靠着贪腐欺骗和钳制异己保住权势的人,须知你们站在历史错误的一边,而只要你们愿意松手,我们就会帮忙。”[小奥,你骂谁呢?!犯我痒痒肉者,虽远必和谐!]

而奥巴马就职演讲词的全部中文译文可以在香港的凤凰网站上找到。

美联社表示,对执政的中国共产党政权来说,美国新任总统奥巴马的讲演词婉转触及到了潜在的敏感领域。

中国目前仍对互联网和整个官方媒体维持着牢牢的控制权。

评论认为,中国官方媒体周三对奥巴马就职美国总统后的中美关系走向感到些许紧张。

中美关系

中国官方英文的《中国日报》表示,布什总统执政8年所留下的最宝贵的遗产就是中美关系得到稳定。

该报社论说,由于美国百姓热切期望政府不再追随布什岁月的政策,“很多人猜测,确切地说是担心,新任(美国)总统是否会忽略(中美)双边关系取得的来之不易的进展”。

《中国日报》社论承认布什的外交政策完全令人失望,伊拉克战争令美国和布什本人蒙羞。但布什在处理中美关系方面则确实有可圈可点之处。

该社论指出,“稳固世界上唯一的强权和世界上最大的发展中国家之间的关系,并非一件易事,但布什政府做到了。”

社论还担心,由布什提出设立的每两年一次的中美战略经济对话是否在奥巴马执政期间继续展开。

新华社也表示,每逢美国总统更迭,在新总统上台后的磨合期内,美国的对华政策便会波动。

报道说,“中国人关心的是,在奥巴马的磨合期内,历史还会重演吗?”



President Barack Obama's Inaugural Address

http://my.barackobama.com/page/community/post/stateupdates/gGxHZR

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

2009年1月20日 星期二

纪检成现代“东西厂”?中国人人害怕的最大权力机构

永平来稿/中共哪个部门的权力最大?管人事的组织部,还是管经济的发改委?或许都不是。因邓后中共再无威权人物,集体领导愈来愈依靠纪检监察系统控制和平衡权利,而在无官不贪的背景下,该系统整人方式五花八门,愈演愈烈,正演变成今日之“东西厂”,随未来中共核心人物进一步式微,该系统将终成尾大不掉之势,最终成左右中共政局的最大力量。

新年之际约会了一位朋友,茶间聊及内地经济形势,朋友一个劲叹息。他开有一家旅游公司,主要业务是内地的考察观光团。近因内地出国考察团突然减少而生意萧条,言及未来,对内地形势不报乐观。朋友认为,关键不在经济,而在权利争夺已现乱象。

朋友说,前些天他接待内地某市考察观光团,团长(一位主管工业的副市长)是他多年旧友,该团长多次提醒他,要他一定安排好行程,一定要有考察,尤其是考察项目的时间内容一定要充分,要有记者的充分报道,考察之外,要把当地和带来的记者招待好。同时,随行的有两个很重要的人,一个是纪委的处长,一个是检察院的副处长。这两个人,团长要求考察项目时还是一定要让他们去,但要想办法让他们玩好。

朋友一面答应,一面笑旧友过敏。该副市长大叹一声说,你不知道啊,前些日子某地以考察为名实则出国旅游之事被网上曝光后,出外考察便成惹麻烦之事。以前出国旅游都是美差,一般是某个部门组织,找个企业出钱,再找一些平时要拉关系的部门,比如纪检、检察、组织部的人,给这些部门一些名额,就组团出去了,名光考察,其实就是花国家钱玩。

这次考察团本是另一个人带队,因为这位副市长马上要被提市长了,但现在的市长却想让另一个副市长上,就硬性派他带团来,一是关键时期让他不在国内,很多运作没有办法进行,二是设个套,如果出国出了什么丑闻,那可政治前途就全毁了。至于那两个纪委的人,一个是市长的人,就是来抓他的小辫子的;而那个检察院的,则是副市长的人,只要把他俩弄出去,他的人就会搞定那个市长的人。

朋友强调,这里面透出一种很不好的信号。由于他负责旅游接待工作,对于内地纪检系统的作法,多有耳闻。他说,如果高层中纪委还能听命于中央,那么在地方上,可能已经不是这种情况了。一些地方,纪委书记的权力实际上已经大过了市委书记。去年广西某市为同一个项目前后来过两拔考察团,一拔是市委书记带队,由一位副市长陪着,没有招商成功;而当市纪委书记(纪委书记竟然插手经济,所为何来?)来时,则是由市长陪着,带的全是该市的企业家,招商竟然成功了,连投资者都知道谁更厉害。

他听团里的人闲谈时,就能感受到该市纪委书记的权力实际上已经大过了市委书记。那个市委书记提了好几次人事,都被纪委书记否了,两个人斗得不可开交,直到纪委书记通过纪检手段,把市委书记提拔的组织部长送进监狱,双方才最后妥协,在人事安排的问题,两个人从此就是一半对一半。现在省纪委的一个处长,就会让地方市委书记发抖打颤。现在跑部进钱是明面,更重要的是跑纪委保官。

朋友的话,让我想起了那个郴州市原纪委书记曾锦春,在郴州市不就是一手遮天嘛。民间社会,多把现在的纪检系统称作“东西厂 ”,因为其权力早就超过了反腐职能,勾制罪名打击对手,顺我者昌,逆我者亡,手段无所不用其极。明朝为巩固皇权,强化专制,先后建立了锦衣卫、东厂、西厂等特务机构,对各级官员、百姓的日常生活进行全面监督,享有生杀予夺的大权。锦衣卫的创立者明太祖朱元璋惩贪法网之密布、行刑之严酷,甚至将贪官剥皮示众,营造了一个极其严酷肃杀的氛围。

但贪污腐败之风并未就此收敛,因为锦衣卫本身就是个黑窝。明成祖为了镇压政治上的反对力量,设立了“东厂”,主要职责就是监视政府官员、社会名流、学者等各种政治力量,严酷打击反对派。东厂在设立之初,就由宦官担任提督,由于其镇压手段之残酷,甚至罗织罪名制造了大量冤假错案,而为中国历史上一个污点。

东西厂最终不仅没有抑止明王朝的腐败,而且制造了最大的腐败,明武宗即位,信用宦官。得宠的宦官刘瑾掌司礼监,邱聚掌东厂,谷大用掌西厂,互为声援,势倾中外。刘瑾又矫诏设立内厂,由自己管领,比东、西厂更残酷。刘瑾专权时期,整个明朝官僚集团贪污成风,吏治败坏到了极点。刘瑾的家财有金一千二百余万两,银二亿五千余万两,只此银子一项即相当于明朝六十年的国税收入。

而现在的纪检监察部门,他们一般办什么案,查谁,也完全不是由谁腐败而决定的,而是权力斗争的方向决定的,他们的主子让查谁,他们就查谁,或谁伤害了纪检监察部门权力人物的利益,他们就查谁。查的方法就太多了。最常用的方法大搞逼供信,本质上与东西厂没有什么区别。一是有罪推定,前提当然是无官不贪。找个借口先把要打倒的人关起来,再查罪证,一般都是被查人心虚,在上了手段的情况下,难有不交待的,据说手段之酷烈,有些人受不了,连小时候偷过一只鸡的事情都招了出来。

二是从被查人亲信下手。纪检监察部门的办案人员,手里都有大把空白的传唤证、搜查证、居留证等相关政法部门的证明(这就是“依法办案”),按需要,不经有关部门同意,随时开具,比如,给某个企业家开个税务稽查通知,把企业家带到某处“协助调查”。然后告诉企业家,不是查你,而是查某个领导,只要你能指认那个领导在经济上有问题,你就没事了。在利诱威逼下,企业家只要协助提供证明。

郴州市原纪委书记曾锦春,就把纪委变成了他自己的“东厂”,敢与他争利的党员、干部,一律“双规”。从2002年开始,曾锦春越来越频繁地借助“双规”手段,参与矿产利益的控制与掠夺。有多位受访官员说,一些官员因不愿将煤矿审批权交给他而被“双规”调查,或因得罪其本人而被调查和威胁。

曾锦春不仅不是一个特例,而且可能正演变为常例。长此下去,纪检监察将成为中共内部人人害怕的最大权力机构。如果这种人治体制没有根本变化,未来中共的权力体制,肯定将以纪检监察为核心构筑。为了巩固自己的权力,未来的总书记或许要在目前身兼党政军三职的基础上,再兼一职——当代东西厂总督。

2009年1月19日 星期一

中国民族主义再解码

来源:南风窗

作者:沈旭晖

围绕着北京奥运火炬传递,海外华人以群众运动的方式进行声援;而到了毒奶粉事件,却没有多少反对声音传递到国内。这是海外华人的民族主义行为颇受诟病的地方。但据笔者掌握的信息,奥运前后的海外群众运动,其诉求是多种多样的,而海外华人对毒奶粉一事亦相当反感、相当尴尬,只是没有公开通过群众运动的方式进行表达。

如果我们重构过去10年中国的民族主义思潮,当能明白民族主义已成了有独立个性、可被不同演绎的有机生命体,并非单是爱不爱国这样铁板一块。

“九九的一代”

在国际政治的政治心理学范畴,有一个“世代政治论”。根据学者杰维斯 (Robert Jervis)的《国际政治的知觉与错觉》,一个人的政治观,最容易被他的教育、家庭、成长时的国家背景、以及他第一次直接参与的群众运动影响,因为那会成为心理的长久烙印。在内地,我们熟悉“长征的一代”、“文革的一代”、“八九的一代”,这些都是一代人的集体回忆、集体亢奋或集体阴影,纪录了整个时代的群众特征,要一代人做另一代人的事,十分困难。在香港,近年也有社会学者吕大乐掀起的“四代香港人”论述,激起了连串讨论。内地现在已到了“九九的一代”——那些首次参与大规模群众活动,就是以游行示威抗议1999 年5月8日北约“误炸”中国驻南斯拉夫贝尔格莱德使馆的一代。对这代人的心路历程,内地的年轻作家早有详细描述。但这代人心中的体验,究竟是什么?

回顾当年,南斯拉夫炸馆示威爆发后,美国驻京大使馆受到猛烈冲击,美国大使在窗内无奈外望的照片,被西方媒体争相转载,成为北京又出现盲目仇外的“义和团” 的证明。但政府在第三天,就严令终止一切集会,来控制群众的爱国热情,对此,当事人应记忆犹新。表面上,这是国家怕群众失控、过分冲击外国利益,例如有 CNN 女记者采访示威时,被情绪高涨的群众围攻说“杀死她”,这明显有失文明国家体统,造成相当负面的国际形象。

但事实上,更严峻的挑战,是示威人士批判政府的口号。例如据《明报月刊》等以知识分子为对象的香港媒体透露,当时有口号批评中国政府过分软弱、说怀念起毛主席、赞扬俄罗斯总统叶利钦的强硬,甚或在涂上希特勒胡子的克林顿肖像前,号召解放军杀入科索沃,援助“我们的南斯拉夫兄弟”。一时间,《中国可以说不》一类数年前的仇外旧书,又重新被热卖,各式各样的北约阴谋论吹得甚嚣尘上。自此,政府并不担心国民不够爱国,却担心政府被批评不够爱国。有海外评论说“中国民族主义是收放自如”,其实,现实世界是难以完全掌握的。

亲疏有别

两年后的2001年,也就是美国总统乔治·布什上台后不久,在南海发生中美撞击事件,中国扣留了美军机员,造成对峙局面。连串外交风波后中国产生了机师王伟这名新烈士,在民众和学院层面的评论,甚至出现担心中美出现新冷战的危言耸听。但这次却没任何反美示威出现。官方处理1999年和2001年两事的偏差,表面上,是源自群众和官方立场的背离:在南斯拉夫炸馆事件中,北京拒绝承认这是意外,起码在诉求上,和群众比较一致。但在撞机事件中,政府反而希望将之定性为意外、而不是任何阴谋,只要美方愿意道歉,就情愿息事宁人,以免事态继续扩大。

到了同年数个月后的9·11事件,中国民间和学校充斥着不少以支持拉丹借题发挥的反美言论,令政府大为尴尬。但是,国家不可能容许反美声音在那个时候发声,否则会成为国际社会的“政治不正确”罪人。据说有中国记者团在美国交流期间,在机场看见9·11事件的直播,兴奋得手舞足蹈拍起掌来,结果被美国驱逐出境,这事《许昌日报》的记者有第一手的回忆报道与澄清。9·11后,中国境内也出现了不少民间自制的拉丹肖像衣服,造型和位置与革命英雄切·格瓦拉一模一样,以示中国人民对“新英雄”的支持。但这类直接反应,毕竟为数不多,而且在中国主流媒体,也得不到多少报道。

到了2003年,伊拉克战争开战前夕,一般华人都普遍同情伊拉克、厌恶布什的单边主义作风。一度在9·11后被官方打压的反美主义,才得到授权的宣泄。 500多名新左派学者更乘机联署,重申反对美国出兵伊拉克,顺道暗讽中国的自由主义者,牵头的不乏学术界和文化界名人——因为自由主义者在9·11后,也搞过400多人参加的大规模联署,题目就是教民族主义者十分不舒服的“今夜我们是美国人”,当时同样包括不少头面人物,对此对立阵营一直心有不甘。在 2003年,北京的官方外交态度是反对美国绕过联合国出兵、支持法德俄外交同盟,但又不能对萨达姆政权表示任何同情,因此,想出了一个“三级层递制”,来回应申办反美示威的人:

“第一级”被应用于在北京居住的外国人,他们的反战声音局限在纯外交层面,和中国官方几乎一致,因此,被准许游行到美国驻华大使馆——这是1999 年美国使馆被冲击以来,这条示威路线首次被批准。“第二级”被应用于学生团体,他们原来要求在美国使馆门前示威,被拒,不过得以在校园内进行小规模游行,也算意思意思,这已是5年来的异数。“第三级”被应用于似乎应该是最爱国的新左派学者。这个新左示威原也被批准,但后来因为出现重重障碍而取消了。

由此可见,表面上最爱国的一群,却成了官方处理民族主义“亲疏有别”的受害人。这也许因为他们对政府而言最难控制,但更重要的是,他们对国家其它政策也有同样兴趣,不像一般大学生、中学生,只看重民族主义的表面宣泄,可以通过书记、读书会、评核报告“晓以大义”加以疏导;更不像无根的外国人,真的只看重外交姿态。不过,说这些大题目要是单刀直入则过分敏感,以爱国之名,才可以畅所欲言。

借题发挥

在媒体讨论区和网上讨论区,“爱国”群众借题发挥的倾向,就更明显、也更有创意。著名的网络虚拟爱国大本营 (或自由主义者眼中的“愤青大本营”)《强国论坛》,就是在1999 年5月出现,它的原名,就是“反对北约空袭中国驻南使馆论坛”。当时的论坛内容,充满对3名丧生中国记者烈士的同情,强调“他们的血不会白流”、重申“中国人民不可侮”,更有网民自发为他们设立了网上悼念馆,用虚拟方式对烈士上香——这些,还是比较内敛的。

到了南海撞机事件,由于群众缺乏公开示威的渠道,网上悼念机师王伟烈士的文章,就显得充满针对性;而网上悼念王伟的人数,也远超悼念南斯拉夫三烈士的人数。例如一首在网络发表的名叫《王伟,你在哪里》的“新诗”,就有“强盗要回家了”、“虚伪的人又要庆祝人权的胜利”、“魔鬼再次成功显示其普世价值”、“通过践踏我们国土的尊严和人类的灵魂”等诗句,对政府处理的不满溢于言表。

到了9·11,中国官方加入美国主导的反恐同盟,网上却充斥一片歌颂拉丹的声音,不少网民高呼“炸得好”、美国人“该死”、向拉丹和基地组织“致敬”,官方和民间就民族主义的立场,又出现了二元落差,而且,这次落差比1999年的南斯拉夫炸馆事件更大。《强国论坛》至今保留有一个完善的旧数据库,但2001年9月12日和 13日的档案不复存在,似乎内容太教人尴尬了。但我们通过其它途径﹐依然能够追溯一些当时的网络内容。

例如在北京大学的BBS讨论区,出现了一首名叫《无畏者无惧》、副题“哀悼9·11劫机英雄”的新诗”,内有如下诗句:“强盗希望以借口掩饰自己的罪恶”、 “他们喜欢说什么人权高于主权”、“今天你们代表上帝行正义之事”、“毫不犹疑地刺穿强盗的胸膛”……从这些字句细心研究,可发现这首诗的作者和《王伟,你在哪里》的作者就算不是同一人,也明显是信奉同一意识形态的人。他们都对世界局势感到不满,对中国的角色感到无助,认为国家应有更照顾民族尊严的处理手法。

后来在伊拉克战争期间,北京容许局部反美示威,和群众意愿又交接上了,因此网络上的反政府信息也相对减弱了;就是新左派和自由主义者的小圈子,也只是集中在意识形态层面继续交锋。在新诗方面,顶多出现了网民顶包“萨达姆”仿效毛泽东创作的新版《沁园春·雪》,并没多少指桑骂槐的空间。

双刃剑

由此可见,政府的最大担心,并非爱国热情本身的走火,而是它会否通过爱国的大框架,连带触及国民对其它政府施政的不满。举例说,假如是新左派认为政府不够爱国,他们就可以顺带批评官方经济政策容许贫富悬殊,又或国家过分放纵地方政府自行其事,并以南斯拉夫解体的经历警惕之;假如是自由主义者认为政府不够爱国,他们就可以暗示领导人不懂得通过民选制度整合爱国思想,才逼使他们以激进方式宣泄;假如是一个环保学者、人权学者、经济学者,也可以各取所需。这些,可说都是“拿红旗反红旗”的传统智慧,中国民族主义在现有体制下,至今依然是一把双刃剑。

奥运举行前,海外华人忽然热烈拥护北京、声讨CNN,但其实,内里也出现了批评中国为奥运让步太多的声音,甚至也出现了对办奥运投入的庞大资源是否值得的质疑。相较而言,毒奶粉事件的性质,就缺少了供不同立场的群众演绎的空间。当然,海外华人都明白,这事让他们的形象大为受损,网络也充满了“毒奶事件海外华人能做什么”、“毒奶粉让海外华人丢尽脸面”一类文章,甚至还延伸至中华民族整体的诚信问题;外文媒体引述的华人,对此更是一致劣评,何况他们的餐饮生意,也直接身受其害。

不过另一方面,在纽约、伦敦等西方大都会,少数华人亦曾向CNN或其它西方广播媒体游行示威抗议,认为对方报道再次失实。不过,这次“拿着红旗反红旗”的策略较难贯彻,因为为此举办的批评毒奶粉活动,在新左派眼中,容易被对中国不友好的西方媒体骑劫,也容易落入自由主义知识分子的常用话语。而为此举办的反西方报道立场偏颇运动,则容易被进一步边缘化为“声援毒奶粉游行”,形象只会更不堪。因此,对事件无论持什么立场,都难以成为大规模群众运动的突破口。中国民族主义的密码游戏,似乎会一直延续下去,留待下一波运动的借题发挥,也留待下一批解码使者的出现。

(作者为香港中文大学亚太研究所助理教授,国际关系研究室主任)

2009年1月18日 星期日

喜看罗马惨遭我国叁仟伍佰肆拾肆名壮士抵制

达赖被授予荣誉市民 八成中国网民抵制赴罗马旅游

环球网 于January 18, 2009

意大利罗马政府宣布将在下月邀请达赖接受该市“荣誉市民”的称号,此举引发了中国网民的愤怒,逾八成中国网民表示,将通过抵制赴罗马旅游来表达抗议。

  法新社14日报道,罗马市长詹尼.阿雷曼诺的一名发言人称,达赖原本去年秋天就可以获得这个称号,但由于健康原因未能前往罗马,现在罗马市政府又发出邀请,但“他(达赖)还没有确认是否能来”。

  在环球网15日所做的“是否应抵制赴罗马旅游?”的第一话题调查中,截至17日下午16时,共有4040位网友参与投票。其中有87%的网友将票投给了“正方”,表示“应该抵制赴罗马旅游”。另有496票投给了“反方”,反方网友认为,没有必要因此就抵制赴罗马旅游。

  在支持正方的3544名网友中,许多网友都对罗马市再次借达赖问题说事儿的做法表示愤慨,“罗马市政府的行为是在挑衅中国人民”。许多网友共同发出了 “抵制”的呼声。“所有想去国外旅游的中国人,第一选项就是删除去罗马旅游”。一位网友说:“看来这些欧洲国家真的是‘给脸不要脸了’,应该好好地教育他们一下。”

  还有网友对比前段时间因萨科齐执意会见达赖而激起中国民愤的事件说:“抵制是必要的。中国在世界的地位越来越重要,不能他国任意践踏我们的尊严,也不允许他们恣意干预我国内政。就让我们人民来从小事做起,捍卫中国的尊严和地位。让那些有对我们不敬的老外见识一下他们犯下的错给他们国家带来的惨痛教训。

  不少网友还幽默地把全球经济形势与此次时间联系在一起。有网友提议,与其去罗马旅游,不如将这笔钱在国内消费,这样既刺激了内需,又抗议了罗马市的行为,可谓“一举两得”。

  也有网友将票投给了反方,认为“没必要抵制赴罗马旅游”。有网友认为,没必要总是以“抵制”来体现自己的愤怒,“罗马不是一天建成的,中国也不是,不必把罗马看得太重”。还有网友直言不讳地说“没钱去罗马旅游”。不过,对于这种反方网友的想法,正方网民显然不慎赞同,他们认为:“虽然我们暂时没钱去意大利旅游,但是作为一个中国人,我们仍应该抵制一切危害中国利益的国家和行为。

2009年1月17日 星期六

内有谣言,请务必站稳立场,批判阅读

古德明:徐氏家训写尽中国官场为官之道

苹果日报/江苏建设厅前厅长徐其耀儿子的信终于流传人口了。教诲内容,约而言之,是「当官唯一目的无非攫取利益」,因此「要把假话当做事实,要拍马屁搞关係,要利及上下以求提拔、支持」。至于法律,「制订者只求律人,无意律己,遵不遵守须审势而定,否则从宽从严都不对」。这篇徐氏家训情理兼备,写尽了新中国为官之道。

旧中国官场流传的,是另一种家教,其中范滂家最为堪诵。东汉末年,宦官当权,要诛杀李膺、杜密、范滂等刚正大臣。范滂不忍连累他人,谢绝了县令弃官和他逃亡的好意,跟母亲诀别,母亲他从容就义:「汝今得与李、杜齐名,死亦何恨?」范滂跪拜受,回头小儿子说:「吾欲使汝为恶,则恶不可为;使汝为善,则我不为恶。」他不为恶,结果是三十三岁斧钺加身,但临终还是子去恶行善(《后汉书.党锢列传》)。

唐朝时,监察御史李畲领得官米,比应得斛数稍多,向母亲解释说:「御史米,不概也(每斛不必刮平)。」他母亲很不高兴,切责儿子,命他马上把馀米归还官仓。这和宋朝包拯示子孙名训前后映照:「后世子孙仕宦,有犯赃者,不得放归本家,死不得葬大茔(家族墓地)中。不从吾志,非吾子若(与)孙也。」(《新唐书.列女传》、《宋史.包拯传》)。

徐其耀二○○○年遭中共以受贿罪名拘捕,受贿所得据说不过二千多万元,全部没收上缴。上缴给谁,我们不知道,但我们知道中共历代领袖家训,和徐家其实一般无二。

邓小平主政时,女邓榕获台湾商人敬赠香港一华宅,转手卖了六百万元;长女邓林来港办画展,一幅未入门国画标价三十五万元,获港商以双倍价钱买下,邓小平知道了,笑道:「你的画真是那麽值钱吗?」

江泽民主政时,儿子江恒绵用几百万元就买得价值上亿元的上海联合投资公司。他向中国银行、建设银行予取予求几十亿元的传闻,至今还是甚嚣尘上。

今天,胡锦涛、温家宝主政。温家宝儿子温云松改名易姓,接受平安保险董事长马明哲七十三亿元的平安保险股票,于是广东《新财富》杂志二○○三年中国富豪排行榜上前十名出现了一位身世不明相片不见的「郑建源」。胡锦涛儿子胡海更是公然无忌,一举手就夺得政府几十亿元机场保安检测仪器合约。

《贞观政要》记载了唐太宗子的原则:「每一食,便念稼穑之艰难;每一衣,则思纺绩之辛苦。」《续资治通鑑》也记载了宋太宗子的诏书:「汝等生长深宫,须克己励精,听卑纳谏。每着一衣,则悯蚕妇;每餐一食,则念耕夫。」现在中共一代接一代都说「要建设有中国特色的社会主义」,但我国特色应该不是邓榕邓林江绵郑建源胡海等等。

也许,「有中国特色」五字只是徐其耀家训的另一注。徐氏家训有言:「要把假话当做事实。」

RFI:政协委员提出在上海设立示威区的提案

发表日期 16/01/2009 更新日期 16/01/2009 14:43 TU

在上海市政协第十一届委员会第二次会议期间,当地党报《解放日报》副总编辑毛用雄递交提案《关于上海设立示威区的建议》。这份提案建议称,在上海某个不过分影响公共交通、又相对独立的区域,比如公园,设立法定的示威区,在法律框架内允许不同人群去表达意愿。同时发展各类非政府组织,代表不同人群利益,进行正常的利益博奕;
毛用雄在提案中称,现在群访闹访越来越频繁,不仅全会、两会,连某些官员会露面的普通场合,只要有预告,都会有市民等着上访,有些酿变成群体事件。
他引述的官方数据显示,2008年上海市信访办受理群众信访事项20余万件(批),近千人定期闹访,各单位为此不断花费人力财力。毛用雄在提案中表示,这些社会矛盾的主要表现并不是政治诉求,而是不同群体间的利益冲突。这其中,一方面是利益问题容易通过经济手段解决,不会危及政权稳定。
他建议,因此,应理性地看待社会冲突,建立一种正常的利益和民意表达机制,包括设立示威区域,引导冲突在一定范围内,以适当方式解决。
《财经》网站报道说,上海市委书记俞正声也在发言中说,与其过去任职地区相比,上海利益矛盾的调解非常困难,2008年他个人也曾两次接访,但都无法与上访户达成一致意见。俞正声介绍,上海的上访问题80%集中在动拆迁方面,其中既有过去政府野蛮拆迁造成的问题,也有部分动迁户的不合理诉求,各种问题长期累积得不到解决。
示威区的设立在中国已有先例,但目前国内尚无常设的示威区。北京奥运会期间,北京丰台区的世界公园、海淀区的紫竹院公园和朝阳区的日坛公园曾被作为示威区,但最终并无一例申请获批。