2009年8月25日 星期二

好消息来了

德国之声:失败国家排行榜中国第57

时事风云 | 2009.08.25

美国智库和平基金会(The Fund for Peace)和《外交政策》 (Foreign Policy magazine) 杂志自2005年以来,每年公布一个"失败国家指数列表"。一个主权国家在列表排名越靠前,表明这个国家本年度在执政、经济、民生、公共服务等方面的表现就越差。最新一期的《外交政策》杂志公布了和平基金会本年度"失败国家指数列表"。在被评审的177个主权国家里,中国排在第57名

由美国和平基金会和《外交政策》杂志共同公布的"2009年度失败国家指数列表"上排在首位的是索马里,其次几个"榜上有名"的国家分别为津巴布韦、苏丹、乍得和刚果,伊拉克和阿富汗分列第6和第7。

美国和平基金会的马克·卢卡斯在接受德国之声采访时讲到,这一次被评比的总共有177个主权国家:"我们对这些国家在政治、社会、经济、安全等12个领域进行打分,1最好,10最差,最后算总分。我们还按照得分情况,给这些国家分了几个级别,最糟糕的属于'危险',还有'警告',以及'稳定'等等。"

美国和平基金会同《外交政策》杂志进行打分的依据是有关各国的官方数据及媒体报道资料,考察该国在各个领域的表现。卢卡斯介绍说,去年中国获得"失败国家指数"是80.4,今年是84.6,排名第57,属于"警告"等级。

至于中国今年得分情况退步的原因,卢卡斯分析说:"原因有很多。在我们评比的12个领域中,比如经济方面,中国去年发生了严重的四川大地震,之后又爆发全球经济和金融危机。这些都是影响经济发展的因素,也是可能导致不稳定的因素。"

而一个主权国家被评为"失败",责任要归于谁呢?对于这个问题,美国和平基金会的卢卡斯认为也要区分对待:"如果是发生了自然灾害,当然不能算是政府的责任。但是其他因素,比如发生经济危机,政府是否出台了有效的措施,尽量缩小损失。或是在战乱国家,政府有没有做到基本的人道主义保障,维护民众的人权。"

谈到中国2009年排名情况的退步,卢卡斯表示,这同中国去年发生"3·14"西藏事件,和今年的新疆"7·5"事件,以及中国政府的表现不无关联。另一个值得关注的现象是,中国大陆网络媒体对于"2009年度失败国家指数列表"的报道几乎为零。而前几年,在中国没有进入"警告"等级时,中国国内媒体在列表公布后纷纷进行转载评论。

另附"2009年失败国家指数列表"前20个国家排名情况以及较去年的变化 (来源:www.foreignpolicy.com)



2009年排名 2008年 国家 2009年失败指数

1 1 索马里 114.7

2 3 津巴布韦 114

3 2 苏丹 112.4

4 4 乍得 112.2

5 6 刚果民主共和国 108.7

6 5 伊拉克 108.6

7 7 阿富汗 108.2

8 10 中非共和国 105.4

9 11 几内亚 104.6

10 9 巴基斯坦 104.1

11 8 象牙海岸 102.5

12 14 海地 101.8

13 12 缅甸 101.5

14 26 肯尼亚 101.4

15 22 尼日利亚 99.8

16 16 埃塞俄比亚 98.9

17 15 朝鲜 98.3

18 21 也门 98.1

19 12 孟加拉国 98.1

...

57 68 中国 84.6

...

157 155 德国 36.2

159 161 美国 34.0

...

177 177 挪威 18.3


作者:谢菲

责编:叶宣


The Failed States Index

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/06/22/the_2009_failed_states_index

It is a sobering time for the world’s most fragile countries—virulent economic crisis, countless natural disasters, and government collapse. This year, we delve deeper than ever into just what went wrong—and who is to blame.

Yemen may not yet be front-page news, but it’s being watched intently these days in capitals worldwide. A perfect storm of state failure is now brewing there: disappearing oil and water reserves; a mob of migrants, some allegedly with al Qaeda ties, flooding in from Somalia, the failed state next door; and a weak government increasingly unable to keep things running. Many worry Yemen is the next Afghanistan: a global problem wrapped in a failed state.

It’s not just Yemen. The financial crisis was a near-death experience for insurgency-plagued Pakistan, which remains on imf life support. Cameroon has been rocked by economic contagion, which sparked riots, violence, and instability. Other countries dependent on the import and export of commodities—from Nigeria to Equatorial Guinea to Bangladesh—had a similarly rough go of it last year, suffering what economist Homi Kharas calls a “whiplash effect” as prices spiked sharply and then plummeted. All indications are that 2009 will bring little to no reprieve.

Instead, the global recession is sparking fears that multiple states could slip all at once into the ranks of the failing. Now more than ever, failed-state triage could become a grim necessity for world leaders from the United Nations and World Bank to U.S. President Barack Obama’s White House. All of which puts a fine point on an old and uncomfortable dilemma: Whom do you help when so many need it?

This is a sober question for sober times, and it is the backdrop for the fifth annual Failed States Index—a collaboration between The Fund for Peace, an independent research organization, and Foreign Policy. Using 12 indicators of state cohesion and performance, compiled through a close examination of more than 30,000 publicly available sources, we ranked 177 states in order from most to least at risk of failure. The 60 most vulnerable states are listed in the rankings.

Figuring out which faltering states to help depends in large part on what they need. After all, as Tolstoy might have put it, every failing state is failing in its own way. Georgia, for example, jumped 23 places in this year’s index due to a substantial spike in that elusive indicator, “Invaded by Russia.” Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are failing because their governments are chronically weak to nonexistent; Zimbabwe and Burma are failing because their governments are strong enough to choke the life out of their societies. Iraq is failing, but its trajectory may be toward greater success, while Haiti is failing as well, and it is hard to imagine success around the corner.

It is also a harsh fact that a greater risk of failure is not always synonymous with greater consequences of failure. For example, Zimbabwe (No. 2 on the index) is technically failing more than Iraq (6), but the geopolitical implications of state failure in Iraq would be far greater than in Zimbabwe. It’s why we worry more about Pakistan (10) than Guinea (9), and North Korea (17) more than the Ivory Coast (11).

Then take the paradoxical case of Iran, which jumped 11 spots in the rankings this year. With an already faulty economy, a vampire state mismanaging it further, and a global recession on top of all that, it is no surprise that Iran is faltering. But the state is not failing—indeed, it is succeeding quite well—in one rather important respect: the pursuit of nuclear weapons. And it is this “success,” more than Iran’s myriad failings, that keeps it above the fold of other worrying news.

Answering the question of which failed states demand attention might well come down to which are deemed to pose the biggest threat to the world at large. But even the widely presumed linkage between failing states and terrorism is less clear than many have come to assume since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks sounded the alarm about the consequences of governments not in control of their territory. Take Somalia, once again the No. 1 failed state on this year’s index. A recent report by West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center, drawing on captured al Qaeda documents, revealed that Osama bin Laden’s outfit had an awful experience trying to operate out of Somalia, for all the same reasons that international peacekeepers found Somalia unmanageable in the 1990s: terrible infrastructure, excessive violence and criminality, and few basic services, among other factors. In short, Somalia was too failed even for al Qaeda.

Which failed states are global security threats and which are simply tragedies for their own people? This is one question that will matter most this year of living dangerously, and there are others we present in the following pages: Which countries might blow up next? Are there pockets of success within states of failure? And who (or what) is to blame when things go bad—corrupt leaders, dysfunctional societies, bad neighbors, a global recession, unfortunate history, or simply geography itself?

The Failed States Index does not provide all the answers, nor does it claim to be able to. But it is a starting point for a discussion about why states fail and what should be done about them—a discussion, sadly, that we might be having even more frequently this year.

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/06/22/2009_failed_states_index_interactive_map_and_rankings


国庆将至 中宣部力推“好消息”

RFI staff @ 2009-8-25 18:02 阅读(382) 评论(5) 推荐值(71) 引用通告 分类: 未归类

中国国庆60周年将至,宣传系统正着力营造“和谐”的氛围,并全面控制负面新闻的出现。
有网络编辑透露,北京市新闻办网管处发出指令,即日起,各网站首页和新闻中心首页全部页面和版块的负面报道总数不得超过全部内容的30%,也不能出现在某一区域负面新闻堆积的情况。网管办将逐一检查,未能达标者“一律严肃处理。”
国庆前后,“关于环境污染或血铅中毒等的、关于官员腐败干部落马、关于交通事故”的新闻,坚决不能上首页要闻区。同时,撤除首页上网站、新闻中心首页上的社会频道版块,并迅速清理首页上的负面新闻,含要闻、国内、社会等,位置一律压低。
关于群体性事件,只能用新华社、人民日报、省级党报的原发稿件内容作为稿源,只能报事件的两端——即事发的报道和事后处理。
新闻办还要求,有回望建国60周年历史栏目的,立即“快进”,不许“老在六十、七十年代转悠了”,即日起从1978年开始回顾,主题是发展、进步。
他们还指令,各网以大红色块烘托国庆氛围,“为国庆铺上红地毯”,迅速营造热烈、喜庆、辉煌的气氛。并将逐一检查,未能达标者“一律严肃处理。”
与此相映成趣的是昨天(8月24日)的《人民日报》13版刊发的评论《好消息让生活更甜蜜》,该文说“西方一些媒体长期热衷报道负面新闻,受众对此日益厌倦。”
作者《人民日报》记者董力引述一项调查称,英国有人提出“限制媒体对本地及全球的负面新闻的报道,建立一个记分系统,规定每家媒体报道正面新闻和负面新闻的比例,如果负面新闻超出比例,这家媒体就要被罚款”。
该文说,“世界上好消息多得是,新闻不必全部是恐怖主义、战争和经济衰退。一批新媒体正在争着给读者提供鼓舞人心的报道,这些报道可以让生活更甜蜜。”
此文刊发后,国新办网络局指定各门户网站在新闻频道转发。以引导舆论,但网友并不领情。此文后的网友评论说,“来中国吧,看新闻联播,保证每天都是好消息。”

曹国星 上海报道
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好消息让生活更甜蜜(环球走笔)

董 力
2009年08月24日00:00 来源:人民网-《人民日报》
http://world.people.com.cn/GB/9911656.html

法新社日前报道,由于觉得媒体上负面新闻太多,美国佛罗里达州的一个12岁男孩马克斯·琼斯创办了“今日周末新闻”网站,专门报道令人鼓舞的新闻。当前,该网站每天的浏览量已经达到5000人次,人们在这里还可欣赏到琼斯撰写的评论。

媒体研究表明,西方一些媒体长期热衷报道负面新闻,受众对此日益厌倦。2006年,英国BBC网站所做的一项有关英国人幸福感的在线调查显示,许多英国人认为,媒体报道了太多的负面新闻,给受众提供的是“由恐惧、担忧和疑虑组成的大餐”。对社区犯罪、政府失职的渲染,对政治人物的嘲弄和菲薄,以及对全球变暖等危机性话题的夸张描述,“让英国人感觉很糟糕”。

美国的雅虎网站也曾就新闻对社会心理的影响做过一个在线调查。结论是,很多美国人觉得媒体报道了太多消极的东西。有的网友说:“媒体让人们觉得世界正在分崩离析,疾病、战争、环境恶化……这些消息让一个原本快乐的人变得压抑和沮丧。”一些人干脆说自己现在已经不看新闻。有人质问:“以前那些有关我们身边的英雄的报道都哪里去了?”

参加这两项调查的网友都感觉,在负面新闻铺天盖地的情况下,新闻看得越多越不开心。美国俄亥俄州立大学的研究人员则发现,心情沮丧的人很难发现生活中的美好。厌倦了负面报道泛滥的西方民众开始希望改变这一局面。参加BBC在线调查的英国人提出,“限制媒体对本地及全球的负面新闻的报道”,“建立一个记分系统,规定每家媒体报道正面新闻和负面新闻的比例,如果负面新闻超出比例,这家媒体就要被罚款”。

一些人以传播给予人们信心与温暖的好消息为使命,已经开始自己开创传播正面新闻的渠道。在英国,早在1993年,退休女演员莎娜·巴罗斯就创办了一份名为《正面新闻》的报纸,传播“人们勇敢地为美好生活而奋斗的故事”。现在,这份报纸在英国和美国发行,还在西班牙和阿根廷建立了办事处。在美国,不仅有琼斯的“今日周末新闻”,一家叫做“好消息公报”的新闻网站做得更专业,内容更丰富。

英国一位资深媒体人士感叹:“世界上好消息多得是。新闻不必全部是恐怖主义、战争和经济衰退。一批新媒体正在争着给读者提供鼓舞人心的报道,这些报道可以让生活更甜蜜。”

许志永的捉放与妥协

严樱,苹果日报,8月25日

刚获中共释放的维权组织公盟负责人许志永,表示今后会继续为有需要人士争取正义,但处事会相对低调,并作出适当妥协。

不知是煞有介事,还是语带讽刺,被忽然扣查,关押的许志永不谈彻查,不求验伤,不说赔偿,劈头一句就说愿意妥协。今回虽云中央碍于舆论放人,但换得国内又一人权先锋锐气受挫,发誓规行矩步,这是中国法制之颓败,更是制度再度打败个人的活证。

明明只是涉嫌,却可给关上近二十五天才决定起诉偷税;一众知识分子竟可凭一封质疑当局取缔公盟及逮捕许志永乃不智(请留意:并非不法)之举的公开信,令检察机关忌惮,左右司法程序;许被释放后大谈妥协,又凸显事件纯属政治迫害... ...中国法治之极端败坏彰彰明甚,是中国最深重的不幸。

中共杀人征地随心所欲

中共要捉要放,从来都手到拿来,今次放一放,稍稍消消不满,举手之劳,算不上什么胜利。许志永被捕,因为他高调维权,许志永获释,亦因为他高调维权。假设今次被捉的只是一个从湖南远来上访,一心揭发村委滥财受贿,地方法院贪污渎职的农村代表,试问要给公安关上多少遍,被跨省追捕的地区官员殴过多少回,方能引起群众丁点垂目和关注?类似许志永的维护运动,每日都在北京的上访村如实上演,经年累月。除了恒常的悲痛和不忿外,社会大众何曾做过或做到什么,向这些隐没于经济洪潮的受冤者,仗义相助?

清末,浙江余杭举人杨乃武被诬与葛毕氏“小白菜”通奸,受刑不过被迫招认,二人被判死刑。在清代,凡死刑案件依例须逐级审核。杨层层翻供,却因各省官官相护而无法扭转定谳,最终要家属上京翻滚钉床告御状。及后因为京浙官绅大表不满,再加几位言官猛烈抨击,以及当年之“申报”的详尽报道,冤案始得平反。先后审理案件之官员,不论大小一律革职,而祸首余杭县令更被判流放充军,不得赎还,案件前后历时四年。

假若杨生在今天这个年头,说不定会被省官买凶,随时就地正法。即使他有幸到北京上访,恐怕亦会被守候多时的省官活捉,或在北京待上几十年而翻案不果,郁郁一生。今日的中共,省官犹比清朝官吏凶暴,杀人征地随心所欲;查案审判,制度还不如清末逐级审查复核般严密,枉死丛生。当年光绪新立,尚知整肃朝纲,而朝中也有言官敢抨大臣藐法欺君,对地方官吏犹能严打治理。今天官暴更烈,法更荡然,政无整肃,地方更凶。过去的士绅,已成肚满肠肥的大款,敢言的“申报”,早就为官方的统一喉舌所取替。过千苟活在中央脚下的上访人士,惨受蔑视。

绝大部份百姓俯首政权

寂寂无闻的维权人士,千千万万,真的幸运如许志永者,却万中无一。如今连许都要妥协,他们又还有什么抗争之余地?中共手起刀落,时捉时放,舆论与知识分子反射作用如常。不论几许捉捉放放,就只得旁观者冷笑有人弃兵曳甲。中共法制崩坏的同时,绝大部份知识分子及百姓又沉醉国势日盛的纸醉金迷,俯首政权。间歇性的义愤,既唤醒不了沉睡的大众,也鼓动不了广大的群众运动。过去说民国不如大清,今天的中共,又似什么?