2009年1月27日 星期二

革命文献一首

他们党真是有人才啊。
理论水平跟我一样高。



久经考验的共产主义战士,党的建设战线的卓越干部,

为革命事业献出最宝贵生命的徐其耀同志写给儿子的一封信

2000年10月8日,江苏省建设厅厅长徐其耀因贪污受贿2千余万元,被当地检察机关批捕。在侦查中,发现了徐与146名二奶的“日记”等证据,其中写给儿子的一封信,畅述做官心得,总结为官原则,具有较高的理论价值和应用价值,实为官场“金科玉律”,符合“付诸史馆”的标准;该信境界高超,观点鲜明,论述坦率朴实,语言精炼,警句迭出,振聋发愦,足可编入教科书当范文,聊以纠正当今假话空话套话充斥的文风。当然,该信有感而发,属即兴之作,逻辑上欠推敲,然白玉微瑕,瑕不掩瑜也!

下为该信全文:

“孩子:
你的来信我已收到,对你在大学里的表现,我很欣慰,你要再接再厉。

既然你选择了一定要走仕途这条路,你就一定要把我下面的劝告铭记在心:

1、不要追求真理,不要探询事物的本来面目。
把探索真理这这类事情让知识分子去做吧,这是他们的事情。要牢牢记住这样的信条:对自己有利的,就是正确的。实在把握不了,可简化为:上级领导提倡的就是正确的。

2、不但要学会说假话,更要善于说假话。
要把说假话当成一个习惯,不,当成事业,说到自己也相信的程度。妓女和做官是最相似的职业,只不过做官出卖的是嘴。记住,做官以后你的嘴不仅仅属于你自己的,说什么要根据需要。

3、要有文凭,但不要真有知识,真有知识会害了你。
有了知识你就会独立思考,而独立思考是从政的大忌。别看现在的领导都是硕士博士,那都是假的。有的人博士毕业就去应招公务员走向仕途,那是他从读书的那天起就没想研究学问,肯定不学无术。记住,真博士是永远做不了官的。

4、做官的目的是什么?是利益。
要不知疲倦地攫取各种利益。有人现在把这叫腐败。你不但要明确的把攫取各种利益作为当官的目的,而且要作为唯一的目的。你的领导提拔你,是因为你能给他带来利益;你的下属服从你,是因为你能给他带来利益;你周围的同僚朋友关照你,是因为你能给他带来利益。你自己可以不要,但别人的你必须给。记住,攫取利益这个目的一模糊,你就离失败不远了。

5、必须把会做人放在首位,然后才是会做事。
这里的做人做事你可别理解为德才兼备的意思。这里说的做人,就是处关系。做事是实际工作,这点会不会都无所谓。做人就是把自己作为一个点编织到上下左右的网中,成为这个网的一部分。记住,现在说谁工作能力强,一点都不是说他做事能力强,而是指做人能力强。呵呵,你看那些把能力理解为做事的人,有好日子过才怪。

6、我们的社会无论外表怎样变化,其实质都是农民社会。
谁迎合了农民谁就会成功。我们周围的人无论外表是什么,骨子里都是农民。农民的特点是目光短浅,注重眼前利益。所以你做事的方式方法必须具有农民特点,要搞短期效益,要鼠目寸光。一旦你把眼光放远,你就不属于这个群体了,后果可想而知。要多学习封建的那一套,比如拜个把兄弟什么的,这都不过分。

7、要相信拍马是一种高级艺术。
千万不要以为拍马只要豁出脸皮就行,豁得出去的女人多了,可傍上大款的或把自己卖个好价钱的是极少数,大部分还是做了低层的三陪小姐。这和拍马是一样的道理。拍马就是为了得到上级的赏识。在人治的社会里,上级的赏识是升官的唯一途径,别的都是形式,这一点不可不察。

8、所有的法律法规、政策制度都不是必须严格遵守的,确切地说,执行起来都是可以变通的。

法律法规、政策制度的制订者从没想到要用这些来约束自己,而是想约束他人。但你要知道,这些不是人人都可以违反的。什么时候坚决遵守,什么时候偷偷违反,让谁违反,要审势而定,否则宽严皆误。

以上这些都是做官的原则。现在要仔细想想,如果你真能逐条做到,你就能一帆风顺,如果感觉力不从心,就马上另外选择职业吧。”

据说北京肝儿颤了

明报/英国《泰晤士报》报道,中国官员近日与地下教会人士进行了秘密接触,了解对方的立场及需求,并称这是在今年这个敏感年份作出的重要姿态。中国天主教爱国会副会长刘柏年对本报表示,与地下教会一直都有接触,他也否认报道称内地有1.3亿人信教。

爱国会﹕一直有接触

报道称,中国官员近日在北京一处办公室与基督教地下教会(又称「家庭教会」)的人士见面,天主教徒则未获邀。被邀请见面的金牧师称,「现在政府的态度比较开放了」,对话是大势所趋,公安亦减少查抄地下教会。金牧师称,政府需要了解他们是否「反动」,并想知道他们为何不接受政府监管。

报道又称,中国的天主教徒及基督教徒共有1.3亿,其中约1亿是不从属于官方教会的「地下」教徒。但中国天主教爱国会副会长刘柏年反驳称,「这不可能,我倒希望有那揦多。」他表示,政府和爱国会长期有与地下教会接触,「劝导他们在政治上服从国家,信仰上服从基督」,并曾提供《圣经》等。

此外,天主教新闻社报道称,教宗本笃十六世在前日的午间祈祷中,向东南亚地区人民致以农曆新年节日问候。

2009年1月26日 星期一

老外论相声

No laughing matter: a hilarious investigation into the destruction of modern Chinese humor

by David Moser
http://www.danwei.org/tv/stifled_laughter_how_the_commu.php

来自王三表
http://www.wangxiaofeng.net/?p=2442

Americans seeing it on Chinese TV for the first time usually have the same reaction: “Chinese stand-up comedy!” And indeed, the surface similarity is striking: two performers stand up on a stage in front of a live audience and engage in rapid-fire humorous repartee, with their interaction following the tried-and-true formula of a “straight-man” acting as an exasperated foil to the muddle-headedness of an illogical clowner. One is reminded of the classic American comedy duos like Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis, George Burns and Gracie Allen, or 60s TV acts like Rowan and Martin and the Smothers Brothers. The Chinese art is called xiangsheng (literally, “face and voice”), which is usually translated into English as “crosstalk”, and for most of the twentieth century this performance form was virtually synonymous with humor in China.

Beyond the surface resemblance there are differences. While American stand-up comedians tend to work solo, in China the two-person format is the dominant one (perhaps reflecting the cultural tendency toward collectivism vs. the American cult of the individual). Crosstalk performers tend to be somewhat more formal and “stagey” in their delivery than their American counterparts. But the major difference lies in the overall structure of the performance. An American stand-up comedy routine tends to consist of a string of jokes loosely strung together, with the performer flitting from topic to topic with throwaway lines as perfunctory segues from one subject to the next. In contrast, a crosstalk piece is always a coherent, self-contained routine with a fixed narrative or unifying main premise. In this sense, a typical crosstalk piece more resembles a scripted dialogue such as Abbot and Costello’s “Who’s on First?” routine, or the Marx Brothers’ “Why a Duck?” scene. There is a repertoire of hundreds of traditional crosstalk pieces, as well as new pieces being written all the time, and each time a piece is performed the original premise and overall structure is preserved, with the performers free to add material or edit sections according to the needs of a specific performance. The subject matter of crosstalk draws upon every aspect of Chinese culture, from history, regional dialects and folk tales to contemporary issues like the one-child policy or economic modernization.

Crosstalk used to be phenomenally popular in China. Teahouses and auditoriums were packed each night with enthusiastic audiences, every theatrical troupe had a stable of crosstalk performers, and crosstalk was an essential part of every Chinese New Year variety show. In a culture not yet glutted with mindless entertainment, crosstalk was the major populist form of humor, and it was genuinely loved by audiences from every walk of life.

However, there is now widespread consensus that the art form has drastically declined in quality over the last few decades. Performances on radio and TV have dwindled considerably, and crosstalk is barely given a perfunctory place in the major variety shows. Audiences and performers alike perceive a crisis; is the form in danger of dying out completely?

There are various explanations for this decline. Some lament that, with the advent of tape recorders, the master-apprentice system of transmission has fallen by the wayside, resulting in a lowering of performer standards. Others maintain that the severe time constraints of TV deny performers the breathing space they need to deliver an adequate performance. Media analysts put the blame on competition from the influx of foreign DVDs and more free-wheeling Hong Kong entertainment products. Everyone seems to have an excuse for crosstalk’s increasing inability to hold an audience.

The excuses all ring hollow. Similar humor forms remain wildly popular in the States and in other countries. Stand-up humor is easily staged, quickly produced, and has an immediacy and topicality that no other form of humor can have. All people, including Chinese people, crave the cathartic release that laughter provides. If done right, there is no reason to think crosstalk would not enjoy the same popularity as its foreign counterparts. The real cause of crosstalk’s decline is painfully obvious, though no one dares to publicly acknowledge the truth: the Communist Party killed it.

The Chinese government has systematically stifled crosstalk by bowdlerizing its tradition, restricting its natural growth and evolution, and reducing the form to a sycophantic, unsatisfying — and unfunny — shadow of its former self.

Younger audiences exposed to only the lukewarm pap that now passes for crosstalk on Chinese TV have no way of knowing that it was at one time a freewheeling, vibrant, and even rambunctious art form. Developing from humble origins as a type of street theater in the Qing Dynasty, by the 1940’s it had become a complex oral performance form that maintained an anti-authoritarian and even slightly subversive quality. It was wildly politically incorrect, lampooning everyone — pompous social elites, corrupt officials, country bumpkins, the handicapped, prostitutes, the effete intelligentsia, and even the KMT leaders in power at the time. It is difficult to convey the culturally-embedded style and content of crosstalk humor in a brief article such as this, but suffice to say, the form was every bit as rich and varied as the traditions of American Vaudeville and stand-up comedy.

Then came 1949. After the communist takeover, Party officials in charge of entertainment for the new China agreed that the crosstalk genre was too rowdy and impertinent to be allowed in its present form. It went without saying that the sexual humor had to be cleaned up, but authority figures were also now off-limits, and performers could no longer ridicule the peasantry, who were now the class heroes of the revolution. Crosstalk and other entertainment forms were now called upon to “praise” (gesong) rather than to “satirize” (fengci). Few dissenting voices dared point out the obvious problem, namely that “praise” is not very funny. But no matter. In typical Chinese fashion, a special task force was formed, the “Committee for Crosstalk Reform”, under whose guidance hundreds of traditional pieces were revised and cleaned up for public consumption. Many pieces could be salvaged with minor cosmetic surgery, while others could only be discarded completely.

Typical of pieces that were deemed unacceptable was “Drinking Milk”, a one-person piece which goes as follows (drastically truncated here for space reasons):

An old man takes sick with a rare disease. The doctor tells him “This is a serious illness, my friend, but we can cure it for you. There’s a special Chinese herbal medicine that will fix you right up. But there is one problem: the prescription requires that you drink milk with it.”

“Why, that’s no problem.” the old man says.

“HUMAN milk,” clarifies the doctor.

“Well, that’s no problem either. It just so happens my daughter-in-law just gave birth to a baby. I can just get some milk from her.”

“Sorry, but there’s one more requirement,” says the doctor. “The milk has to be drunk directly from the breast, otherwise it loses its effectiveness.” Whew. This might be a little tricky. What can he do? The old man has no choice but to directly approach the daughter-in-law with his problem. He explains his predicament to her, and she is quite understanding.

“It’s a matter of life-and-death,” she says. “Of course I’ll help you.” So she timidly opens up her blouse and lets the old man suck the milk. But he has barely had one mouthful than the son — who had heard that his father was ill — returns home from work early. Opening the door and seeing his young wife there with his very own father in this rather compromising situation, he is understandably pretty pissed off.

“Dad!” the son cries in shock. “What the hell are you doing?” The father, seeing his son’s displeasure, stands up indignantly and says, “So! I drink one mouthful of your wife’s milk and you get this upset? Have you forgotten how much of MY wife’s milk YOU drank when you were a baby?”

This piece is no longer printed or performed in the media. It has for all intents and purposes disappeared from the crosstalk repertoire, though older performers remember it and can perform it in informal settings. The average Chinese audience member would be amazed that crosstalk in its current innocuous form had anything even this mildly risqué in its past.

But if they found this piece surprising, they would be absolutely flabbergasted by the X-rated premise of piece called “The Birdie that Doesn’t Chirp”. The piece is a double entendre-filled conversation between a man and a lady friend. (Female performers were rare; crosstalk, like early American stand-up comedy, was almost exclusively a male domain). The man mentions to the woman that he owns a special kind of bird that doesn’t chirp. Under puzzled questioning from the woman, it turns out the curious bird in question has no feathers, has only one eye on the top of its head, stays inside its “cage” most of the time, can grow or shrink in size at certain times, and so on. As the dialogue proceeds it becomes increasingly obvious to everyone but the innocent woman that the “bird” in question is actually the man’s penis. At one point the woman suggests that he take his bird out to a teahouse, as is the custom of Beijingers who raise birds as a hobby:

Man: A teahouse? Forget it! Last time I went to a teahouse at Wangfujing, as soon as I took off his cover, the waiter came running over. “Cover it up! Cover it up!” he said. “If you don’t cover that up, I’m gonna scald it to death with boiling water!”

Woman: Oh.

Man: Better cover him up, right? So I covered him up.

Woman: It seems to me you don’t know the first thing about birds. You can’t put his cage on the table if you go to a teahouse. All that dirty bird poop. While you’re drinking your tea, you hang your birdie up.

Man: Hang it up? No way!

Woman: Why?

Man: Dizzy from the height.

Woman: Nonsense. Birds don’t get dizzy.

Man: No, I mean I would get dizzy.

Woman: What’s it got to do with you?

Man: It’s my bird, after all.

Very sophomoric humor, of course — sort of the Chinese equivalent of a Playboy party joke. But it is revealing to see how far this kind of frankly sexual content could be taken in pre-1949 China. Crosstalk performers referred to this sort of piece as hunkou, which could be loosely translated as a “meat [as opposed to vegetarian] dish”. There is absolutely nothing remotely approaching it in the broadcast media today. (It is difficult for scholars to reconstruct pre-Liberation crosstalk because in the political extremism of 50s and 60s most of the historical record of the art form, including films, scripts, and recordings, were destroyed or irrevocably lost. A wire recording of this piece was made in 1953, and somehow resurfaced in 1990, whereupon the fragile steel wire technology was transferred to audiocassette tape by a member of the Academy of Social Sciences and passed on to a Princeton professor.)

Crosstalk also had an abundance of black humor. The premise of the piece “Selling Coffins” is almost Monty Python-esque: A coffin seller burdened with a surplus of merchandise desperately tries to unload more coffins on his customers using hard-sell techniques:

A: [to the customer]...The smaller coffins also can be put to other uses besides burying people, you know.

B: Like what?

A: Do you have a child in your family?

B: Yes.

A: Swell! You can buy one of these small coffins and use it as a baby stroller. It’ll be perfect: the handles on all four sides will keep the baby from falling out.

B: No good. A stroller has wheels, a coffin doesn’t. Without wheels, how can you rock it back and forth?

A: Just put four wheels on it and there you go! It shouldn’t cost much money.

B: But... the baby will be terrified jostling about inside!

A: Oh, don’t be such a fuddy-duddy! Stick a little mattress in there and it’ll be just fine.

B: Boy, you’ve got a solution for everything.

A: So you’ll buy one, eh?

B: Well, I... no, it won’t work. There’s no place to hang mosquito netting in the summer.

A: What do you need mosquito netting for?

B: Without it, the baby will get bitten by mosquitoes!

A: So just shut the lid. The mosquitoes won’t be able to get in.

B: But with the lid shut, the baby will suffocate!

A: So much the better.

B: What?!?

A: You can just wheel the coffin to the cemetery to bury the kid — no need to hire pallbearers.

These examples at least illustrate the range of freedom that this performance domain once had, and the kinds of salty content that pre-Liberation audiences were routinely exposed to. The point is that early crosstalk, like any indigenous folk art form, was able to reflect daily life in a rich, genuine way. Performers were free to explore both the virtues and the foibles of the Chinese people, both the glories and the excesses of Chinese culture, and the pleasures along with the annoying absurdities of everyday life. In short, crosstalk was able to laugh at the full range of things Chinese, including the darker side. When the Party got their puritanical hands on the form after 1949, they immediately began to it pull out its satirical teeth, turning it into an bland mouthpiece for political policy.

During the dark days of the Cultural Revolution the form virtually ceased to exist. The arts had become merely a tool of indoctrination, and crosstalk proved to be particularly fragile and unsustainable in this new environment. While a revolutionary ballet can still retain some degree of compelling visual power, or a propaganda movie can still hold some purely cinematic value (note Leni Riefenstahl’s Nazi propaganda film Triumph of the Will), the purely verbal form of crosstalk had no other artistic elements to fall back on, and thus became effectively dead.

Mao Zedong himself was an avid fan of crosstalk, and would hold performances in his residences at Zhongnanhai on Saturday nights. Interestingly, he requested only the traditional repertoire, having no use for the newly produced, revolutionary pieces. Like his wife Jiang Qing, who banned all foreign films but viewed Disney movies in the privacy of her living quarters, Mao continued to foist revolutionary art on the masses, while privately enjoying the unexpurgated classics.

In 1989 I interviewed crosstalk star Hao Aimin, who was one of the younger artists who performed in these weekly performances at Zhongnanhai. In the relaxed setting of my dorm room at Peking University, he related what it was like to perform “stand-up” in front of Chairman Mao:

We would peek out from behind the curtain backstage while we were waiting to go on, and there would be Chairman Mao, all red-faced, dancing waltzes with the young women. Chairman Mao was a large man, very robust, but actually quite graceful on his feet, and a good dancer. Seeing him in this context -- as a human being rather than a world leader -- enabled us to relax a bit and not be so terrified when it was time to go on. Still, standing up in front of Chairman Mao telling jokes could be intimidating. You had the feeling the people in the audience were afraid to laugh unless he did. Zhou Enlai was a better audience in this respect. He himself was more easy-going and laughed readily at all the jokes. He also had a tendency to anticipate the punchlines, and would say them along with you. This would spoil the joke somewhat, but it made for a more relaxed atmosphere.

In the late 1970’s, following the end of the Cultural Revolution, crosstalk experienced a rebirth as performers were again given more or less free rein to exercise their creative powers. This time the satirists had a safe and officially-sanctioned target: the Gang of Four and the excessive zealotry of the decade that had just ended. Performers took gleeful pleasure in getting comedic revenge on Jiang Qing and her cohorts, and dozens of pieces appeared with titles like “The White-Boned Demon” (the name of an evil spirit in the novel Journey to the West, which became a nickname for Jiang Qing). Jokes about the Gang of Four that had been circulating underground for years could now be put to use in these routines, and crosstalk performers were even free to show off their much-vaunted imitation skills to viciously parody Jiang Qing’s sing-song Shandong accent:

A: [imitating Jiang Qing] I’ve always studied diligently since I was young. I persisted in reading Marxist-Leninist literature five hours every day, and Chairman Mao’s works for seven hours every day. Comrades, I read four works from cover to cover: I can recite from memory Lenin’s Das Kapital, and Marx’s The Collected Works of Lenin...

B: Come off it! Give us a break!

A: Comrades, the struggles at the top are complex, and there are those in political circles who oppose me.

B: Yeah, they can see you’re a schemer and an opportunist!

A: They say that I have openly tried to subvert the Party. These accusations are totally groundless! Sure, I tried to subvert the Party, but it was never openly!”

You get the idea. Not exactly side-splitting humor. Most of these pieces don’t hold up well, of course, being perhaps prime examples of the type of humor for which “you had to be there”. But the laughter was truly cathartic, as audiences were now free to laugh at what just a few years earlier had been an oppressive aspect of everyday life.

One of the more successful pieces of the post-Mao period was “How to Take a Photograph”, which did a wonderful job of skewering the absurd politically excesses of the time:

A: On the wall of the shop was a piece of paper, and at the top it said NOTICE TO ALL CUSTOMERS.

B: What did it say?

A: It said: “All revolutionary comrades who come in the revolutionary door of this revolutionary photography shop, before asking any revolutionary question, must first call out a revolutionary slogan. If any of the revolutionary masses do not call out a revolutionary slogan, then the revolutionary shopkeeper will take a revolutionary attitude and refuse to give a revolutionary response. Revolutionarily yours, the revolutionary management.”

B: Really “revolutionary”, all right. It was like that in those days. As soon as you went into the shop it went like this: “Serve the People!” Comrade, I’d like to ask a question.

A: “Struggle Against Selfishness and Criticize Revisionism!” Go ahead.

B: [to the audience] Well, at least he didn’t ignore me. [Back in character] “Destroy Capitalism and Elevate the Proletariat!” I’d like to have my picture taken.

A: “Do Away with the Private and Establish the Public!” What size?

B: “The Revolution is Without Fault!” A three-inch photo.

A: “Rebellion is Justified!” Okay, please give me the money.

B: “Politics First and Foremost!” How much?

A: “Strive for Immediate Results!” One yuan three mao.

B: “Criticize Reactionary Authorities!” Here’s the money.

A: “Oppose Rule by Money!” Here’s your receipt.

B: “Sweep Away Class Enemies of All Kinds!” Thank you.

The piece catapulted the young performer Jiang Kun into instant success, and more pieces followed. For a brief period of time, crosstalk had an officially sanctioned target and almost total license to attack it.

This period of satiric openness did not last long. Once the brief period of letting off steam had subsided, political topics were once again off-limits. Those in power did not wish for discontent with recently-toppled regime to begin to spill over into the current one. Genuine laughter is liberating, contagious, and ultimately threatening to the established rule.

However, crosstalk was at least able to return to its roots, and no one was more qualified to lead in this renewal than the art’s greatest living practitioner, Hou Baolin. Hou had been rehabilitated at the end of the Cultural Revolution after being branded as a “rightist”, and was now free to continue the work of revising and expanding the crosstalk repertoire. Hou Baolin was a self-taught performer with a prodigious memory and an uncanny ear. With a Buster Keaton deadpan face and a relaxed, understated style, his performances had an urbane sophistication lacking in many other performers. Hou’s strong point was not satire per se, but rather the basic skills of the art, which involved imitating dialects and opera styles, and capturing the rich range of Chinese speech in impressive vocal displays. With these techniques as a basis, he revisited and revamped the older pieces, recycling and playing with the rich set of plots and characters in traditional Chinese literature and mythology. As popular as he was, his performances could only be characterized as masterful museum pieces. They represented the (pasteurized) cream of the old repertoire. With his undisputed comedic mastery, and with the content of his performances safely apolitical, Hou maintained a position as the premier crosstalk performer during the decades after 1949, becoming practically synonymous with the art itself.

As towering a figure as Hou was, he was not the person to take on the task of incorporating subject matter relevant to Deng Xiaoping’s China. Jobs, family relationships, consumer behavior, social attitudes; all were changing at a dizzying pace, and for crosstalk to remain funny, it would have to begin to reflect these new developments. What the increasingly sophisticated audience was crying out for was comedy material that examined the current realities of Chinese life, jokes that dealt head-on with the new and often traumatic changes unfolding under the new market economy. The raw material for such humor was certainly out there in abundance, and by all rights the 1980s should have been a heyday for Chinese crosstalk performers.

It didn’t happen. The task of producing effective crosstalk material was made nearly impossible by the fact that the government was still not allowing any content in the arts that smacked of criticism. Satire needs a target, but what social phenomena could performers possibly use as fodder for humor? The increasing ranks of laid-off workers? The chaotic collapse of the longstanding danwei (“work unit”) system? The gaudy excesses of China’s nouveau rich? The spoiled-brat “little emperors” resulting from the one-child policy? Such juicy topics were off-limits, effectively preventing crosstalk humor from even getting off the ground. Even more frustrating was the fact that all these topics were being lampooned in the rich underground repertoire of jokes, doggerel poems, and song parodies circulating among the public. The jokes being told by cab drivers were funnier than those of the professional comedians on TV. What were crosstalk performers to do? They rehashed old material. They parodied TV ads. They recited tongue-twisters. They resorted to slapstick. And the form continued its downward slide, with audiences becoming bored and disgusted with the increasingly irrelevant blather performers were forced to produce.

For a very brief time in the late 1980s, however, it seemed as if one performer, Jiang Kun, teamed up with a talented young writer named Liang Zuo, might be able to put some teeth back into crosstalk by adopting a tactic that creative artists under other repressive regimes have employed, namely incorporating subversive messages into their work while on the surface adhering to guidelines of political correctness.

The first success of this duo was a piece called “Reflections in the Tiger’s Mouth”, the basic premise of which is as follows. A young man accidentally falls into a tiger pit at the zoo and finds himself face to face with a hungry tiger. Attempts to rescue him fail, and, suddenly forced to confront his own mortality, he frantically searches for some metaphysical consolation in his last remaining moments of life. But where to turn at this existential crisis point? His thoughts turn to a few communist slogans and the Four Modernizations, but these fail to provide either escape or spiritual comfort:

A: [Shouting to spectators looking down into the tiger pit] Hey, up there! Shouting slogans won’t do any good, the tiger doesn’t understand them! Hey, up there! If you really want to emulate the spirit of Lei Feng, some of you should come down here and rescue me!

B: Did any of them come down?

A: “Communist Party members follow me!”

B: Are you a Communist Party member?

A: Uh, don’t ask. Anyway, it was obviously me who took the lead in coming down here in the first place! . . .

B: After all this time you haven’t thought of a way to escape!

A: Take it easy! Wait till I discuss this with the tiger.

B: Oh, so you’re going to discuss it with the tiger?

A: We’re going to do a little “ideological work”. [addressing the tiger] “Tiger! Tiger! Open your eyes and take a good look at me. I’m pretty skinny — no meat!…Tiger, if you have mercy on me today and don’t eat me, if you let me get out of this, I. . . I promise I’ll lead a good life. I’ll not only work for the Four Modernizations, I’ll even work for the Eight Modernizations. I won’t show up late for work at my work unit, and in the evening I won’t leave early. I’ll do everything my superiors tell me. At home I’ll be a model of filial piety, I’ll cherish my brothers and sisters. On the street I’ll obey the traffic rules, and I won’t spit on the ground!”

He then seeks some metaphysical solace in various religions — Christianity, Islam, Buddhism — but realizes to his dismay that he doesn’t know enough about any of these belief systems to take advantage of what they have to offer. When he is finally pulled to safety, he once again puts these metaphysical questions aside as he directs his attention to wooing the attractive young lady who helped organize his rescue.

The genius of the piece is its two levels of meaning. On the surface it is merely a humorous vignette about a hapless Everyman frantically trying to save his own skin, and Jiang Kun delivers a manic Jerry Lewis-like performance that makes this reading plausible. But the underlying message was evident to those who could read between the lines: namely that the Party, in abandoning the legacy of Chinese history and replacing it with merely a bankrupt and empty ideology, had failed to provide ordinary people with any moral or ethical grounding for their daily lives. Jiang and Liang had a hit on their hands, a piece that truly resonated with audiences — and it made it past the censors!

In another piece called “Self-Selection”, Liang Zuo manages to deal humorously with issues of gender identity, and even to flirt with the topic of homosexuality and bisexuality — issues that were not then or now acceptable topics for TV humor. The protagonist goes to the doctor and is told that he has come down with an extremely rare gender disorder: he is now exactly half-way between a man and a woman — he is neither male nor female. There is, however, an operation that can be performed on a special a gland in the brain. If the doctor twists the gland to the right, the patient will become fully male again; if the gland is twisted to the left, the patient will become a female. The doctor, realizing that this is a momentous decision, advises the patient to go home and discuss the options with friends and family members.

What follows is an exposition of the advantages and disadvantages of being one sex or the other in the Chinese social context. In the process of hypothesizing and weighing options, the protagonist keeps getting his gender roles confused:

A: As a woman I would still have to find a mate... Hey, how about if I choose a man as a mate?

B: Aren’t women supposed to look for men?

A: ... Okay, I’ve got to make a careful decision. A matter of “Till death do us part”, I can’t choose just anybody. I’ll pick... Hey, how about Little Mengzi at our work unit? He’s in a leadership position.

B: You have to decide this for yourself.

A: Nah, Little Mengzi doesn’t have the right look. He’s only 1.65 meters tall.... He has these stupid-looking double-fold eyelids — his eyes look like two belly buttons! He’s so short and dumpy, yet he loves to wear blue jeans, his two little buns poking out so tight... I can’t figure out figure out why that Li girl would pick him.

B: Huh? Little Mengzi has a fiancé?

A: They’ve been engaged more than a year now.

B: Then why are you butting in?

A: Isn’t everybody advocating “the third party sticking their foot in the door” these days? [Chinese term for the third member of the triangle in an extramarital affair]

B: Who’s advocating that?

A: Well what are all these articles in the newspapers and magazines on the subject?

B: They’re all opposing it!

A: ... Well, anyway, who’s “the third party” after all? Little Mengzi’s fiancé is the “third party”, not me! I’ve been sharing a bunk-bed with Little Mengzi ever since I started work at the factory. Has she ever spent the night in the same room with him? Plus, if I get married to Little Mengzi, it’ll save a lot of trouble. We wouldn’t even have to apply for housing, we could just move my bedding from the top bunk to the bottom bunk and that would be it! The housing situation is so tight these days, it would save the leaders of the work unit a lot of hassle!

B: You’ve got an answer for everything!

A: Sure! With so much competition for housing, you leaders have to think of some solution. If everyone did like I’m proposing, men marrying men and women marrying women...[pause] Uh, I guess that would be crazy wouldn’t it?

B: You’re finally catching on.

In the end the protagonist, having discovered that both genders have their advantages, chooses not to have the operation at all. “I’ll just stay like this — right in the middle!” he says. Again, for the vast majority of the audience, the humor of the piece is perceived to center around the protagonist’s obvious violations of “common sense”. But to hipper members of the audience — and especially gays and bisexuals — exchanges such as the above were knowingly evocative. In China’s homophobic society, where crowded same-sex dorm rooms and living arrangements are the rule, the situation hinted at here would be immediately recognizable to many as the only means for homosexuals to enjoy relatively safe, long-term clandestine sexual relationships. Furthermore, merely toying with the blurring of gender roles in a humorous context can lead to deeper reflection and awareness of these issues on the part of the average Chinese, who might never encounter an open and serious discussion of the subject elsewhere. As a piece of social satire operating in the context of the relatively more restrictive social environment, one might make a comparison to the 50’s Hollywood film Some Like it Hot, where cross-dressing and gender-switching were all played for laughs, yet a more challenging — even subversive — subtext was there to be read by anyone sensitized to it.

The best Liang-Jiang collaboration was a piece entitled “Big News”, which was premiered as part of the televised Chinese New Year’s festival in the spring before the Tiananmen Square crackdown. The piece was an immediate and phenomenal hit. The premise is as follows. A tells B that he has heard it through the xiaodao xiaoxi, (“back alley information”, i.e., “the grapevine”) that the government is about to come up with a bold new experiment: Tiananmen Square is going to be converted into an outdoor free market, where hundreds of getihu enterprises would be allowed to set up stalls and hawk everything from blue jeans to VCRs. The straight man is incredulous that the historic square would be converted to such a crass commercial venue:

B: Tiananmen Square is the window of China. How could it be appropriate to plunk an outdoor market down there?

A: Window of China? Right! Foreigners don’t know what China is like. They can take one look at the square and say “An open-air market? Hey! China has a commodity-based economy!” Taking another look, they say “Hmm, and everything is pretty cheap, too! Okay, now we know!” And that’s the first step.

B: Oh, so now they know.

A: A window, you said. They take one look and get the picture. Foreigners take one look and think “Not bad!” ... It’ll put their minds at ease. “So much bustling activity, so much prosperity! Surely China will have no trouble repaying its debts!”

The jokester proceeds to counter all of the straight man’s objections. You say the marketplace will clutter up the front of the Great Hall of the People? This has advantages for the leaders — when they get hungry during a particularly exhausting meeting, they can just step outside and buy a bowl of wonton soup! You say the open air market would be a distraction during important governmental activities? On the contrary, the market would provide visual aids; when the topic of the meeting came around to the problem of poor quality-control in industry, all the goods arrayed in the outdoor stalls could serve as handy examples. And so on.

The piece was dynamite humor at the time. The ostensible premise was the perils of gullibly swallowing the absurd rumors circulated in the xiaodao xiaoxi, but more astute members of the audience were, of course, aware of the delicious irony of the true underlying subtext, which poked fun at the contradiction between China’s rapid economic reforms and its continuing rearguard political policies. Of course, “Big News” didn’t merely point out this dichotomy — it rubbed the government’s nose in it. Audiences at the time laughed gleefully at the incongruous image of the somber square filled with hundreds of small capitalistic entrepreneurs at their outdoor stalls catering to rowdy hordes of bargain-hunting shoppers. The piece continued to be performed and talked about during the following few months of 1989, as life imitated art: Tiananmen Square indeed came to resemble a kind of boisterous outdoor marketplace as the student protesters took over. The piece managed to achieve something close true political satire, a form of humor totally absent from the Chinese media.

Then came the night of June 4. After the initial chaos of the Tiananmen Square massacre, a new ice age for the arts set in. “Big News” disappeared from the public record, and Liang Zuo himself became fed up with the crosstalk domain, turning to more lucrative TV serials. He died of a heart attack in 2001 at the age of 44. Crosstalk’s slump began to deepen, with the routines becoming increasingly perfunctory and aimless — and not funny. Some of the more talented performers jumped ship, crossing over into movies or cashing in on their fame by starting their own companies. What was left was a core group of veteran performers who were reliably entertaining but increasingly irrelevant, and a rag-tag assortment of inexperienced rookies who could only recycle lame jokes or wail pop song parodies.

And so the situation remains today. The result is that crosstalk’s presence on TV and radio has diminished significantly. Nor is the situation much better with live theater performances. Beijing, the center of the art form, now has virtually no venues where one can enjoy a performance on any given night. The more traditional city of Tianjin fares a bit better, boasting a few traditional performing arts teahouses (perhaps the Chinese equivalent of comedy clubs) where loyal fans can pay five yuan and spend an evening munching sunflower seeds and drinking tea while watching crosstalk. Unfettered by the time constraints of television, veteran performers are free to spin out the traditional pieces (some lasting as long as an hour) in more or less their full glory. Good as these routines are, some of the pieces are more than 50 years old. It would be as if New York audiences flocked to a comedy clubs to enjoy reprisals of Jack Benny or the Marx Brothers. Classic stuff, to be sure, but humor must reflect the times.

Nobody is more painfully aware of these problems than crosstalk performers themselves. It is they who have to endure the nightly “flop sweat” arising from confronting bored and contemptuous audiences. The words of one veteran performer are typical:

Naturally we all agree that crosstalk just isn’t funny anymore. It’s the computer age, but we’re still up there doing pieces about Peking Opera and peddler’s cries. The tragedy is, there is plenty of material out there. Everyone complains about the traffic in Beijing. Can we make a joke about it? No. It would be construed as a criticism of the municipal traffic authorities. Everyone is downloading porn from the Internet now. Can we mention this in a joke? Forget it. It would be admitting that Chinese people have sexual hang-ups, too… And never mind poking a little innocent fun at our political leaders. Never in a million years. So what’s the point of even trying to be funny?

In fact, every facet of daily life is so politicized in China, that crosstalk performers actually find themselves avoiding indigenous Chinese subject matter for their routines. For part of his performance in the CCTV Spring Festival show for the Year of the Horse, Jiang Kun, the leading performer of his generation, simply revamped a couple of foreign jokes downloaded from the Internet. Surely one would think that some culturally relevant, home-grown Chinese humor would have been more appropriate for such an important TV event. Perhaps it was not worth the multi-leveled steeplechase that the censorship process entails.

The result of decades of constant conservative pressure from these TV censors is that the general tone of all the entertainment media in China is now unrelentingly laudatory, saccharine and Pollyanna-ish. And this style has become so ingrained that any content that is the least bit irreverent, iconoclastic, snide, or mocking (i.e., anything displaying the essential attitudes of humor) is perceived as downright crass and socially disruptive. Such an atmosphere of polite, cheery civility is not conducive to the performing arts in general, but for the purely verbal humor of crosstalk, it is paralyzing.

The Chinese audience, now savvier and more internationalized, craves something spontaneous and honest, but crosstalk performers seem unable to provide it. One famous performer (who asks that I not use his name) laments that his career in the PRC has left him incapable of performing comedy in any other way:

I’ve been overseas, and I’ve seen these American comedians like Robin Williams interacting with the audience, and so much of it is just improvised. My fans say “You’re so funny, and quick-witted. I bet you could do that, too. Why not just get up on the stage and go with the situation, play it by ear with the audience? People would love it.” But I say, no, it’s really too late for me. If right now you gave me the total freedom to stand up on the stage and say anything at all, in the end I’d just end up mouthing the same old things, falling back on the same routines. It’s second-nature to me now. There might be hope for the next generation, but for not for me. This is all I know how to do now.

Yet where is this new generation to come from? The most serious sign of the crosstalk’s moribund status is that virtually no stars have arisen in the past ten years. Clearly, the art needs new ideas, new material and new faces, or it is in danger of extinction. But what new talent is going to want to embark on a sinking ship?

I was once at a party attended by several crosstalk performers. As the evening wore on and the maotai liquor flowed, a few of them began to get up and tell jokes that were popular at the time, including this one about police corruption:

A new cop, his first day on the job. After putting in a day’s work, he decides to go to a movie to relax. As he’s standing there in line, the person in front of him turns around, sees his police uniform, and says “You’re new, right?” The cop is surprised.

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t wait in line, they just cut to the front of the line.”

The cop thinks, “Great! One of the advantages of being a cop!” So he cuts into the head of the line, and indeed no one dares object. He pulls out his wallet to buy a ticket and the ticket seller says “You’re new, right?”

“Why, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t have to buy tickets. They just go in for free.” The cop, increasingly pleased with the perks of this job, goes into the theater.

He starts to look for a seat on the ground floor. Someone says “You’re new, right?”

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t sit with the ordinary people. They go up to the reserved padded seats in the balcony.” The cop is pleased with this, and goes up to the reserved seats.

As soon as he sits down, the person next to him says. “You’re new, right?”

“Well, yes, how did you know?”

“Cops don’t sit politely with their feet on the floor. They always lean back and put their feet up on the seat in front of them.” So he leans back and puts his feet up. And he’s thinking this is a pretty good job.

Suddenly he receives a phone call on his cell phone. “We’ve just heard there’s a prostitution ring at the Chaoyang movie theater,” says the police dispatcher. “Go look around and get some evidence, and you can get a promotion!” What luck! The cop happens to be at that very movie theater. So he pulls out his flashlight and begins opening doors, looking for some prostitution activity. And sure enough, upon opening one of the doors, he sees a man in there with three hookers in bed with him.


Triumphantly he says “Get up, all of you! You are all under arrest, including you, buddy.”

One of the hookers says “Hey, you’re new, aren’t you?” Now the cop is really dumbfounded.

“Yeah, but how in the world could you possibly know that?”

The prostitute points to the man in bed with them and says “You don’t recognize your own chief of police??”

This joke is typical of the kind of humor that circulates among the general populace and gets sent around the Internet in China. Mild as it is, this joke could never be told on Chinese TV. After the laughter died down, the performer who told the joke complained to me:

You know, there is so much resentment against the police right now. I would love to be able to tell this joke on the stage. The audience would go crazy, for sure. I always feel that this is the kind of humor we should be making, stuff that the audience can identify with, stuff that really reflects the kind of problems they meet in everyday life. As years go by, news events come and go, and all kinds of these jokes make the rounds, but they never get aired on TV. Year after year all sorts of marvelous humor is produced and then forgotten, and never makes in on the public record. Centuries from now, people will look back and say “Where was the humor in China after 1949?” Well, it was here, folks, they just wouldn’t let us speak it out loud.

It is ironic that China, with the world’s largest population, also wastes more human resources than any country on earth. An entire generation of talent was effectively lost during the Cultural Revolution. And it could be argued that, since 1949, China has metaphorically shackled and silenced all its Lenny Bruces, Mort Sahls, Richard Pryors, Dick Gregorys, Eddie Murphys and Margaret Chos. Of course, all cultures are different, and such potential Chinese comedic geniuses would have undoubtedly produced standup comedy with “Chinese characteristics”. The pity is that we will never know what that comedy might have been like.

If crosstalk is dying, it is not because of inexorable market forces, or because of some ineffable cultural difference. It is rather the fault of the Communist Party, whose paranoia and pathetic sense of dignity has produced a media environment in which nothing truly humorous can ever arise and flourish. It is the Party that killed the laughter. And this is truly no laughing matter.

2009年1月25日 星期日

BBC:上海公安局外爆炸 1人死亡

2009年01月25日 格林尼治标准时间15:40北京时间 23:40发表

上海公安局大门外不远处发生一起爆炸事件,导致1人死亡。

目前死者身份还不清楚,事故原因也正在调查中。

根据大陆官方媒体报道,上海市公安局位于武宁南路,当地时间中午12时左右发生爆炸,当时,路边行人稀少,没有其他人员伤亡。

目前,中国全国上下都正在庆祝农历新年。而每一年的这个时候,都有人死于燃放烟花爆竹造成的事故。

上海去年曾经发生过"杨佳袭警"案。今天的爆炸事件是否针对警方,还有待调查。

2009年1月23日 星期五

If HU were OBAMA

录音下载


美国政府网站奥巴马就职致词官方中译本

2009.01.20
http://www.america.gov/st/usg-chinese/None/None/20090120132232abretnuh0.422497.html

奥巴马总统就职演说全文

(转载本文不受版权限制)

巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)于2009年1月20日宣誓就职美国第44任总统。以下是奥巴马总统就职演说的中译文,由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据演说记录稿翻译。

______________________________________________

巴拉克·奥巴马总统就职演说

2009年1月20日星期二

华盛顿哥伦比亚特区

(Washington,D.C.)

同胞们:

我今天站在这里,深感面前使命的重大,深谢你们赋予的信任,并铭记我们前辈所付的代价。我感谢布什总统对国家的贡献以及他在整个过渡阶段给予的大度合作。

至此,有四十四个美国人发出总统誓言。这些字词曾在蒸蒸日上的繁荣时期和宁静安详的和平年代诵读。但是间或,它们也响彻在阴云密布、风暴降临的时刻。美国能够历经这些时刻而勇往直前,不仅因为当政者具有才干或远见,而且也因为“我们人民”始终坚信我们先辈的理想,对我们的建国理念忠贞不渝。

这是过来之路。这是这一代美国的必由之路。

我们处于危机之中,这一点已得到充分认识。我国在进行战争,打击分布广泛的暴力和仇恨势力。我们的经济严重衰弱,部分归咎于一些人的贪婪不轨,同时也因为我们作为一个整体,未能痛下决心,让国家作好面对新时代的准备。如今,住房不再,就业减少,商业破产。医疗保健费用过度昂贵;学校质量没有保障;而每一天都在不断显示,我们使用能源的方式在助长敌人的威风,威胁我们的星球。

这些是危机的迹象,数据统计将予以证明。不易于衡量然而同样严重的是全国各地受动摇的信心——一种挥之不去的恐惧感,认为美国将不可避免地走下坡路,下一代人不得不放低眼光。

今天,我告诉大家,我们面临的挑战真实存在,并且严重而多重。它们不可能在一个短时间内被轻易征服。但是,美国,请记住这句话——它们将被征服。

我们今天聚集在这里是因为我们选择希望而不是恐惧,选择齐心协力而不是冲突对立。

我们今天在这里宣告,让斤斤计较与虚假承诺就此结束,让窒息我国政治为时太久的相互指责和陈词滥调就此完结。

我们仍是一个年轻的国家,但用圣经的话说,现在是抛弃幼稚的时侯了。现在应是我们让永恒的精神发扬光大的时侯,应是选择创造更佳历史业绩的时侯,应是将代代相传的宝贵财富、崇高理想向前发展的时侯:上帝赋予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的机会。

在重申我们国家伟大精神的同时,我们懂得,伟大从非天生,而是必须赢得。我们的历程从来不是走捷径或退而求其次的历程。它不是弱者的道路——它不属于好逸恶劳或只图名利享受的人;这条路属于冒险者,实干家,创造者——有些人享有盛名,但大多数是默默无闻耕耘劳作的男女志士,是他们带我们走向通往繁荣和自由的漫长崎岖之路。

为了我们,他们打点起贫寒的行装上路,远涉重洋,追求新生活。

为了我们,他们在血汗工厂劳作,在西部原野拓荒,忍着鞭笞之痛在坚硬的土地上耕耘。

为了我们,他们奔赴疆场,英勇捐躯,长眠于康科德、葛底斯堡、诺曼底和溪山。

为了我们能够过上更好的生活,他们前赴后继,历尽艰辛,全力奉献,不辞劳苦,直至双手结起层层老茧。他们看到的美国超越了我们每一个人的雄心壮志,也超越了所有种族、财富或派系的差异。

今天,作为后来者,我们踏上了这一未竟的旅程。我们依然是地球上最繁荣、最强大的国家。我们的劳动者的创造力并没有因为眼前的这场危机而减弱。我们的头脑依然像以往那样善于发明创新。我们的产品与服务仍旧像上星期、上个月或去年一样受人欢迎。我们的能力丝毫无损。但是,维持现状、保护狭隘的利益集团、推迟困难的抉择的时代无疑已成为过去。从今天起,我们必须振作起来,扫除我们身上的尘土,重新开启再造美国的事业。

无论我们把目光投向何处,都有工作在等待着我们。经济形势要求我们果敢而迅速地行动,我们将不辱使命——不仅要创造新的就业机会,而且要打下新的增长基础。我们将建造道路和桥梁,架设电网,铺设承载我们的商务和把我们紧密相连的电子通讯网络。我们将恢复尊重科学的传统,利用高新技术的超常潜力提高医疗保健质量并降低成本。我们将利用太阳能、风力和地热为车辆和工厂提供能源。我们将改造我们的中小学和高等院校,以应对新时代的挑战。这一切我们都能做到。这一切我们必将做到。

现在,有人怀疑我们的雄心壮志——他们说我们的体制不能承受太多的宏伟规划。他们的记忆是短暂的,因为他们忘记了这个国家已经取得的成就,忘记了一旦共同的目标插上理想的翅膀、现实的要求鼓起勇气的风帆,自由的人民就会爆发出无穷的创造力。

那些冷眼旁观的人没有认识到他们脚下的大地已经移动——那些长期以来空耗我们的精力的陈腐政治观点已经过时。我们今天提出的问题不是我们的政府太大还是太小,而是它是否行之有效——它是否能够帮助人们找到报酬合理的就业机会,是否能够为他们提供费用适度的医疗保健服务,是否能够确保他们在退休后不失尊严。如果回答是肯定的,我们就要向前推进。如果回答是否定的,计划和项目必须终止。作为公共资金的管理者,我们必须承担责任——明智地使用资金,抛弃坏习惯,在阳光下履行职责——因为只有这样我们才能恢复人民对政府的至关重要的信任。

我们提出的问题也不在于市场力量是替天行道还是为虎作伥。市场在生成财富和传播自由方面具有无与伦比的力量,但这场危机提醒我们:没有严格的监督,市场就会失控——如果一个国家仅仅施惠于富裕者,其富裕便不能持久。我们的经济成功从来不是仅仅依赖国内总产值的规模,而是还依赖繁荣的普及,即为每一位愿意致富的人提供机会的能力——不是通过施舍——因为这才是最可靠的共同富裕之路。

至于我们的共同防御,我们决不接受安全与理念不可两全的荒谬论点。建国先贤面对我们难以想见的险恶局面,起草了一部保障法治和人权的宪章,一部子孙后代以自己的鲜血使之更加完美的宪章。今天,这些理念仍然照耀着世界,我们不会为一时之利而弃之。因此,对于今天正在观看此情此景的其他各国人民和政府──从最繁华的首都到我父亲出生的小村庄──我们希望他们了解:凡追求和平与尊严的国家以及每一位男人、妇女和儿童,美国是你们的朋友。我们已经做好准备,再一次走在前面。回顾过去,几代人在战胜法西斯主义和共产主义时依靠的不仅仅是导弹和坦克,更是牢固的联盟和不渝的信念。他们懂得单凭实力无法保护我们的安全,实力也并不赋予我们随心所欲的权利。相反,他们知道审慎使用实力会使我们更强大;我们的安全源于事业的正义性、典范的感召力、以及谦卑和克制的平衡作用。

我们是这一传统的继承者。我们只要重新以这些原则为指导,就能应对那些新威胁,为此必须付出更大的努力──推动国家间更多的合作与理解。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克移交给伊拉克人民,并在阿富汗巩固来之不易的和平。我们将与多年的朋友和昔日的对手一道不懈地努力,减轻核威胁,扭转全球变暖的厄运。我们不会在价值观念上退缩,也不会动摇捍卫它的决心,对于那些妄图以煽动恐怖和屠杀无辜的手段达到其目的的人,我们现在就告诉你们,我们的意志更加顽强、坚不可摧;你们无法拖垮我们,我们必将战胜你们。

因为我们知道,我们百衲而成的传统是一种优势,而不是劣势。我们是一个由基督教徒和穆斯林、犹太教徒和印度教徒、以及无宗教信仰者组成的国家。我们受惠于地球上四面八方每一种语言和文化的影响。由于我们饮过南北战争和种族隔离的苦水,走出了那个黑暗时代并变得更加坚强和团结,我们不能不相信昔日的仇恨终有一天会成为过去;部族之间的界线很快会消失;随着世界变得越来越小,我们共同的人性将得到彰显;美国必须为迎来一个和平的新纪元发挥自己的作用。

面对穆斯林世界,我们寻求一条新的前进道路,以共同利益和相互尊重为基础。对于世界上那些妄图制造矛盾、将自己社会的弊端归罪于西方的领导人,我们奉劝你们:你们的人民将以你们的建设成就而不是你们的毁灭能力来评判你们。对于那些依靠腐败、欺骗、压制不同意见等手段固守权势的人,我们提醒你们:你们站在了历史错误的一边;但只要你们放弃压迫,我们将伸手相助。

对于贫困国家的人民,我们保证同你们并肩努力,为你们的农田带来丰收,让清洁的用水取之不竭;使饥饿的身体得以饱食,使饥渴的心灵受到滋润。对于那些象我们一样比较富裕的国家,我们要说我们再不能对他人的苦难无动于衷,也再不能肆意消耗世界的资源。世界已经改变,我们必须与时俱进。

在思索我们面前的道路时,我们怀着崇敬的心情感谢此刻正在偏远的沙漠和山区巡逻的英勇无畏的美国人。他们向我们述说着什么,正如在阿灵顿(Arlington)公墓长眠的阵亡英雄在漫漫岁月中的轻声呼唤。我们崇敬他们,不仅因为他们捍卫着我们的自由,而且因为他们代表着献身精神,体现了超越个人,寻求远大理想的意愿。然而,在这个时刻,这个具有划时代意义的时刻,我们大家必须具备的正是这种精神。

虽然政府能有许多作为也必须有许多作为,但最终离不开美国人民的信仰和决心,这便是我国的立国之本。正是因为人们在大堤崩裂时接纳陌生人的关爱之情,正是因为工人们宁愿减少自己的工时而不愿看到朋友失去工作的无私精神,才使我们度过了最暗淡的时光。正是因为消防队员们有勇气冲进浓烟滚滚的楼道,也正是因为做父母的希望培养一个孩子,我们才能决定最后的命运。

我们面临的挑战可能前所未闻。我们迎接挑战的方式也可能前所未有。然而,我们赖以成功的价值观──诚实和勤奋、勇气和公平、宽容心和探索精神、忠诚和爱国──均由来以久。这些价值观都是千真万确的。这些价值观是我国整个历史过程中一股无声的进步力量。现在需要的便是重归这些真理。我们现在需要做的是开创负责任的新时代──每一位美国人都需要认识到我们对自己、对国家、对全世界都承担着义务。对于这些义务,我们并非勉强接受,而是心甘情愿主动承担,同时坚信我们为艰巨的使命付出一切,没有任何事可以如此满足我们的道义感,也没有任何事能如此体现我们的特性。

这就是公民的义务和承诺。

这就是我们自信的来源──认识到上帝呼唤我们把握住难以确定的命运。

这就是我们的自由和我们坚守的信条具有的意义──说明了为什么各种族、各类信仰的男女老少能在这个雄伟的大草坪上欢聚一堂,也说明了为什么今天有人能站在这里进行最庄严的宣誓,但不到60年前他父亲在当地餐馆还不能受到接待。

为此,让我们记住这一天,记住我们是什么样的人,记住我们已经走过了多长的路。在美利坚诞生的年月,在那些最寒冷的日子里,为数不多的爱国者聚集在一条冰河的岸边,身旁的篝火即将熄灭。首都已经撤防。敌人正在进军。雪地沾满了斑斑血迹。在我们的革命何去何从,结局最难以估计的时刻,我国的开国元勋决定向人民宣读以下这段话:

"让我们昭告未来的世界......在这个酷寒的冬季,万物萧索,唯有希望和美德坚忍不拔......这个城市和这个国家,受到共同危难的召唤,挺身而出,奋起迎战。"

美利坚。在我们面临共同危难之际,在我们遇到艰难险阻的冬日,让我们牢记这些永恒的话语。心怀希望和美德,让我们再一次不惧严寒,勇为中流砥柱,不论什么风暴来袭,我们必将坚不可摧。今后,让我们的后代子孙如此评说:我们在遇到考验的时候没有半途而废,没有退缩不前,也没有丝毫动摇;让我们全神贯注,高瞻远瞩,感谢上帝对我们的恩典,继承自由这个宝贵的传统,平稳地世代相传。

(完)

2009年1月21日 星期三

旷世奇帖!不看算你白活!

http://junshi.club.xilu.com/bbs/emas/newsview-821955-3110939-1.html

小宇姐姐供稿



以下为原帖:

震惊!庆祝奥巴马登基大典全是黑人捧场,白宫周围竟没白人!

出处:西陆东方军事 作者:akaaaa
时间:2009-01-20 14:45:03 点击:47287

震惊:白宫周围居然没有几个白人,白人对黑人当选总统后,人心齐,泰山移,呵呵,看来“美国白宫和国会准备刷黑色油漆和黑色的黑金砂大理石!以显示黑人统治白人人,黑人管理白人!”


1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,国会山和国家广场一带的人流熙熙攘攘。
奥巴马将于1月20日在国会山宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
大批民众连日来从四面八方涌入首都,准备见证奥巴马就职。
届时,在国家广场一带观礼的人数预计将达200万以上。新华社





1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,一批奥巴马的支持者在国会山下留影。新华社




1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,来自旧金山的儿童合唱团演员
在国会山总统就职典礼会场彩排。
奥巴马将于1月20日在这里宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
目前最后的准备工作正在进行。新华社


1月19日,在美国首都华盛顿,一位头戴"奥巴马帽"的游客在白宫前留影。
奥巴马将于1月20日宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,成为白宫的新主人。新华社


这是1月19日在美国首都华盛顿拍摄的白宫。
奥巴马将于1月20日宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
成为白宫的新主人。新华社


这是1月19日在美国首都华盛顿拍摄的国会山总统就职典礼会场。
奥巴马将于1月20日在这里宣誓就任美国第56届(第44任)总统,
目前最后的准备工作正在进行。新华社
以下为群众来信精选


编者按:这些来自群众的心声,从深度到广度都非同凡响。除了一小撮别有用心的人混杂在群众当中散布不可告人的言论(这里基本不予登载),绝大多数群众的立场是正确的,甚至掌握了高超的斗争艺术。这证明多年来他们党的教育和宣传工作效果卓著、成绩喜人。有的群众一针见血地揭示美国种族矛盾和民主政治本质,有的群众高瞻远瞩地指出了美国分崩离析的必然前途,有的群众高唱种族主义和民族主义的最和谐主旋律,对美国的自娱自乐予以毫不留情的迎头痛击,更有群众采用生动活泼的谐音,诸如“霉国”、“嗷爸妈”,以及栩栩如生的通感修辞法,诸如“黑鬼”、“黑宫”,他们运用博大精深的中华传统文学智慧,对世界上最强大的邪恶帝国作着乐观顽强的斗争。这些丰富多彩的来信,写得何等好啊!群众的眼睛是雪亮的,群众的智慧是无穷的,向群众学习,向群众致敬,从群众中来,到群众中去,是每个群众千万不能忘记的。

——山寨党中央宣传部红头文件


[156楼] 作者:124.132.2.* 发表时间:2009-01-22 00:24:52
一派胡言 看看奥巴马的行动和他想摆脱黑人底子的心吧
他到底能给美国黑人带来什么

[153楼] 作者:125.73.124.* 发表时间:2009-01-22 00:15:01
这是白人自找的,白人搞同性恋,人越来越少,而黑人越来越多啊。

[152楼] 作者:123.175.246.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 23:51:18
虽然他是黑人,但肯定是白人资本家集团的代言人。支持他竞选,大把掏钱的是谁?不是贫民窟里的黑人,而是白人资本家。

[149楼] 作者:58.243.58.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 20:17:14
恐怖,无秩序。

[145楼] 作者:218.11.30.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 19:11:45
132楼,霉国总统上任,你兴奋啥啊?你是霉国豢养的狗狗吧?!

[143楼] 作者:122.88.9.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 18:54:23
恭贺奥巴马给白宫“抹黑”
不知道什么时候能抹"黄"

[142楼] 作者:222.62.105.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 18:48:57
人猿星球终于在美国实现了!

[141楼] 作者:125.40.24.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 17:03:08
奥巴马是否能想起当年毛泽东帅领中国人民支持美国黑人运动?

[138楼] 作者:124.95.10.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:31:46
哈哈霉国真的不行了!居然弄一个小黑鬼当总统,它们完蛋了!!

[137楼] 作者:117.82.73.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:12:32
黑人管政治不行的.美国怎么衰败到这种地步....真的让个黑人当了总统,美国总统!

[136楼] 作者:221.237.225.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 16:02:00
奧巴馬不行,比不上任何一個米國總統,你只要仔細看一看他,就不難發現他是一個敗家的主!!

[134楼] 作者:125.33.159.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 15:39:08
恭贺奥巴马给白宫“抹黑”

[133楼] 作者:59.44.233.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 15:21:31
都听好了:
这预示着:本总统只能一个任期,不能连任。下一届总统肯定是白人。同意的顶。

[130楼] 作者:58.254.106.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 14:43:40
顶:美国在嗷爸妈任内至少分裂成南北两个国家,或许发生第二次南北战争,战争的结局是美国彻底分裂,同时也有可能分出一个华人国家——加利福尼亚 !!!

[125楼] 作者:58.220.231.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 13:37:21
美国在嗷爸妈任内至少分裂成南北两个国家,或许发生第二次南北战争,战争的结局是美国彻底分裂,同时也有可能分出一个华人国家——加利福尼亚

[123楼] 作者:116.230.201.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 12:45:30
第一张照片上最近处的一个人(侧面戴帽子的)和左边一个正面的美女明显是白人。

[119楼] 作者:116.24.211.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 12:00:59
奥巴马名字的发音有点像武汉人的骂人口头语。哈哈!

[117楼] 作者:121.230.7.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:56:14
黑宫

[115楼] 作者:121.63.103.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:44:41
这就是美国所谓的人权真实写照,无耻、肮脏的白人猪!

[114楼] 作者:116.233.229.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:41:36
白人们一定会说:“我的上帝,我们的白宫居然被野蛮的猴子占领了。”

[113楼] 作者:218.91.212.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 11:27:07
美国白宫干脆叫“黑宫”算了。[以下复制n遍。]

[110楼] 作者:123.127.201.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 10:56:12
捐点钱把白宫喷成黑宫吧! 给黑人打气!!!

[107楼] 作者:125.97.14.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 10:19:42
咱们别瞎使好心眼儿,人家民主党比保守党更民主,认为你们比保守党更保守!

[102楼] 作者:125.34.103.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 08:46:49
奥巴马你大祸临头了,真是傻瓜。

[101楼] 作者:125.45.121.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 08:46:18
奥巴马必需为资本家服务,否则他就得下台。

[98楼] 作者:221.8.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:37:38
奥巴马自己挖坑自己跳,他不听资本家的自己就玩完

[97楼] 作者:221.8.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:37:35
奥巴马自己挖坑自己跳,他不听资本家的自己就玩完

[96楼] 作者:122.5.133.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 07:24:08
人类历史的一次倒退。

[95楼] 作者:125.71.65.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 06:23:39
一个黑人担任美国总统,对美国国内的种族歧视政策是没有任何改变的,美国对全球的侵略是不会停止的.奥巴马虽然是个黑人,但他内心已经被美国的霸权主义染白了.前几天看到一个关于美国白人警察枪杀黑人的新闻,现在看到奥巴马宣誓就职并发表激昂演讲说他们消灭纳粹和XX主义时在下只是无奈一笑,白人已经开始吹响屠杀黑人的号角了,奉劝奥巴马不要铺美帝后承,不要再和中国作对,否则只会两处不讨好.黑人同胞们,让我们拿起手中的镰刀和锤子去打倒美国白人伪政府,为黑人的美好明天而殊死搏斗吧,美国是属于黑人兄弟的."起来,不愿做白鬼的黑人,让黑人的血肉筑成黑人黑的长城,黑人兄弟到了推翻白人的时候,每个黑人被迫发出最后的吼声,起来!起来!起来!黑人万众一心,冒着白人的炮火前进!冒着白人的炮火前进!前进!前进!进!"

[94楼] 作者:216.204.229.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 03:08:33
USA needs a stupid president, not a smart president.

[93楼] 作者:117.75.243.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 01:51:38
我看完直播后感觉一个傻逼! 哈哈 美国必死无疑!它说它们有历史,为民主,有敌人,做领袖,西方好 东方坏,活生生一个不知天高地厚的2逼!全世界60亿人的思维难道就你的正确吗,中国5000年的历史你光读一遍就吓死你,整个一个山间竹笋!

[92楼] 作者:122.158.207.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 01:34:32
刚才谁看新闻了奥巴马讲话说他们消灭了纳粹和共产主义完了就把新闻给中断了妈地什么意思我看出来了奥巴马也不是什么好东西去死吧还消灭共产主义明显就是挑讯看来以后中美都没好日子过了

[88楼] 作者:221.213.45.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:58:17
整天奥巴马的,很烦,一个人改变不了美国,就象当了皇帝的农民领袖一样.

[87楼] 作者:125.36.252.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:27:22
81楼说得好,黑皮肤的白人

[86楼] 作者:117.35.42.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:12:53
我没种族歧视就是恨美国人。

[85楼] 作者:119.32.57.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:11:10
哪个总统没给刺杀过?成不成就看各人造化喽1

[84楼] 作者:222.81.25.* 发表时间:2009-01-21 00:00:28
又一个骗子上台了!!!只不过这次是一个黑的!!!!

[83楼] 作者:218.82.80.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:41:04
传说中的“黑宫”

[81楼] 作者:222.209.177.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:16:42
他敢把白人的蛋糕分给黑人吗?不敢!他敢动犹太人的金融蛋糕吗?不敢!他敢把美国农民的小麦免费给非洲同胞吗?不敢!他敢从伊拉克和阿富汗撤走所有军队吗?不敢!他敢卖给中国先进技术吗?不敢!..............那他能改变什么?如果他是白人,青年网民会选他吗?不会!唯一改变的也许只是美国人选了个黑皮肤的白人,同时美国又向全世界做了次免费广告“美国梦”!三个月后,再狂欢不迟!

[80楼] 作者:125.74.225.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 23:13:54
这样下去,美国就有热闹看了!

[79楼] 作者:123.116.148.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 22:44:12
小心三k党。

[77楼] 作者:59.175.139.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 22:40:37
如果奥巴马不想打仗,只能做一任总统.

[76楼] 作者:114.138.33.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 21:43:47
呵呵呵 黑咕隆咚一大堆。白宫可以改改颜色了。哈哈哈

[74楼] 作者:58.68.138.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 21:12:48
黑人照样在底层,除非去打篮球

[71楼] 作者:116.217.101.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:59:42
黑人入主白宫呵呵有意思

[70楼] 作者:123.112.63.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:59:13
白宫改黑宫

[68楼] 作者:218.173.200.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:11:56
黑麻馬

[67楼] 作者:119.122.191.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:00:54
我乃黑客

[66楼] 作者:121.61.210.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 20:00:37
黑人终于借壳登上现在世界第一权力宝座了~!!恭喜恭喜~~ 希望把你的非洲黑人兄弟全请到美国去享福哦!要地给地 要钱给钱哦~不要小气哦!有福同享嘛~~~嘎嘎!

[64楼] 作者:jhen 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:50:27
奥巴马当时是花白人的钱来参加竞选的,黑人们别高兴的太早了,他只是白人集团的代言人罢了。

[63楼] 作者:121.27.15.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:48:36
拜登具有总统气质

[62楼] 作者:222.79.202.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:44:44
白宫变黑宫了!

[61楼] 作者:大国庆 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:36:27
奥巴马背后也是有财团支持的,因而美国政策也会有一定的延续性。所以,奥巴马上台对美国政策的走向是不会有大的改变的!

[60楼] 作者:58.35.189.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:34:20
21世纪可能都在围绕非洲做文章啊

[59楼] 作者:lin20000xin 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:31:06
美国这黑人国家!呵呵!!

[58楼] 作者:220.188.210.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:19:29
黑白不可能团结吧/弄不好内讧呢

[57楼] 作者:221.224.37.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:07:13
哈哈,搞笑!

[56楼] 作者:wxytjyj 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:04:52
我预言,在奥巴马任期内,必定会遭到白人至上主义者的刺杀。

[55楼] 作者:222.71.13.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 19:04:49
真正掌控美国政策走向的是那些幕后的财团,奥巴马的能力没那么大!

[53楼] 作者:114.217.45.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:46:41
黑丫丫的一片,白宫不叫白宫了,应该改成黑宫!

[51楼] 作者:117.27.96.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:30:06
好,美国gameover

[49楼] 作者:222.132.24.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:18:02
热烈祝福美国早日实现各民族对立,国土分裂的局面,我就盼着美国出点事

[46楼] 作者:119.126.83.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:16:58
美国将要大打黑白战争

[45楼] 作者:121.27.119.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:13:23
纵观中华民族的历史,饱受欧美西方列强、日本等国的侵略、蹂躏和掠夺,给中国带来了深重灾难。进入二十一世纪,中国仍然面临欧美、日本、印度等国的战略合围,台湾还没有完全收回,垛独、姜独还有着欧美强大的支持;西方对我们政治对抗、制度对立、军事制裁,动辄以民主、人权、法制为借口,不断制造事端干涉中国主权。中国上百年来的屈辱史就是欧美、日本列强施予我们的,如今中国的主权、领土完整不断受到威胁、干涉仍然还是这些所谓的民主国家强加给我们的。爱国不是一句空话,爱国很简单,抵制日本鬼子的货 ,抵制韩国棒子的货。抵制法国货。。支持国产,支持民族品牌!!!

[44楼] 作者:zhuaijun1971 发表时间:2009-01-20 18:05:41
美国应分成白色美国和黑色美国,就好比南韩\北韩

[41楼] 作者:222.209.114.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:47:56
奥巴马可能活不长

[40楼] 作者:222.95.213.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:43:59
又一个恐怖分子头目出现了,菩萨保佑这个可怜的世界吧

[37楼] 作者:119.141.135.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:15:26
美国苦难日子来临啦.

[36楼] 作者:221.196.7.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:09:49
白宫还是白色的吗??

[35楼] 作者:123.4.178.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 17:00:35
奥马如果不能为大财团谋利,必遭杀身之祸,这是美国社会制度决定的。

[32楼] 作者:58.49.8.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:49:35
颜色革命嘛

[30楼] 作者:221.123.192.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:29:19
感觉奥巴马做不长,会被刺杀掉。

[28楼] 作者:219.134.236.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 16:22:47
我也有同感!!!在人种观念比较强的美国,黑人当选总统本身就是比较危险的,势必早到种族极端分子的仇视。同时,奥巴马的个人经历和人种观,上任后政策措施势必偏向穷苦的黑人家庭,提高高收入群体的税收来救济贫苦的家庭,这就会得罪大财团,其结果是英勇就义,成为林肯第二!两年后便见分晓。

[23楼] 作者:219.138.170.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:57:43
奥拉巴马有可能成为下一个林肯尼迪!!! [以下复制n遍]

[18楼] 作者:snrvjiqpl 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:57:02
黑人同样优秀.毛泽东时期就反对美国的种族岐视,而今验证了毛泽东的观点!

[13楼] 作者:msy0791 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:48:38
各位网友,在社会制度上,千万别站这山望那山高,我国要真是专治独裁,你们还有可能在网上如此发贴吗?至于各位羡慕的美国民主,今后会有乐子好看了,只要诸位耐心等待就行

[12楼] 作者:218.13.235.* 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:44:28
看来美国黑人终于有了出头之日,美国白人的道德已沦丧,黑人才是当今潮流。但愿奥巴马能有所改变。近年来美国在世界各地到处杀人的现状可能会得以解决????

[11楼] 作者:msy0791 发表时间:2009-01-20 15:36:35
俄国预言家的预言真有可能变成事实。粤巴马接管白宫之时,也就是美国分裂的开始。很可能从内战开始,然后一些州则宣布独立脱离合众国,粤巴马无力调动海陆空三军进行镇压,海外军团将杀回国内,形成军伐混战局面。个人浅见希众网友指教。





外一帖:

http://club.xilu.com/emas/msgview-821955-3115498.html

喜看奥童鞋惨遭和谐

BBC:中国媒体删减奥巴马就职演说

2009年01月21日 格林尼治标准时间06:59北京时间 14:59发表

美国新任总统奥巴马在就职典礼演说中提到“共产主义”和“异见人士”等词,被中国官方媒体刻意删除过滤。

在长达18分钟的演讲中,奥巴马曾说到:“回想先辈们在抵抗法西斯主义和共产主义之时,他们不仅依靠手中的导弹或坦克,他们还依靠稳固的联盟和坚定的信仰。”

中国中央电视台新闻频道星期三当天直播了奥巴马的就职演说,并且配有同声传译。

可是当女翻译照翻不误地说完“共产主义”这句话后,她的声音立刻被拉下来,画面切到毫无防备的女主持人。

女主持人马上把话题转到美国经济,并转身与在美国新闻中心的同事连线对话,后者刚开始也显得有点手足无措。

有关短片已经被网友上载到视频网站YouTube。

“敏感”词语

中国门户网站新浪、搜狐和易网在刊登奥巴马的演讲词时,删去了其中的“共产主义”一词。

而奥巴马讲演词中的另一段落,则被前两个网站完全删除。

奥巴马说:“那些靠着贪腐欺骗和钳制异己保住权势的人,须知你们站在历史错误的一边,而只要你们愿意松手,我们就会帮忙。”[小奥,你骂谁呢?!犯我痒痒肉者,虽远必和谐!]

而奥巴马就职演讲词的全部中文译文可以在香港的凤凰网站上找到。

美联社表示,对执政的中国共产党政权来说,美国新任总统奥巴马的讲演词婉转触及到了潜在的敏感领域。

中国目前仍对互联网和整个官方媒体维持着牢牢的控制权。

评论认为,中国官方媒体周三对奥巴马就职美国总统后的中美关系走向感到些许紧张。

中美关系

中国官方英文的《中国日报》表示,布什总统执政8年所留下的最宝贵的遗产就是中美关系得到稳定。

该报社论说,由于美国百姓热切期望政府不再追随布什岁月的政策,“很多人猜测,确切地说是担心,新任(美国)总统是否会忽略(中美)双边关系取得的来之不易的进展”。

《中国日报》社论承认布什的外交政策完全令人失望,伊拉克战争令美国和布什本人蒙羞。但布什在处理中美关系方面则确实有可圈可点之处。

该社论指出,“稳固世界上唯一的强权和世界上最大的发展中国家之间的关系,并非一件易事,但布什政府做到了。”

社论还担心,由布什提出设立的每两年一次的中美战略经济对话是否在奥巴马执政期间继续展开。

新华社也表示,每逢美国总统更迭,在新总统上台后的磨合期内,美国的对华政策便会波动。

报道说,“中国人关心的是,在奥巴马的磨合期内,历史还会重演吗?”



President Barack Obama's Inaugural Address

http://my.barackobama.com/page/community/post/stateupdates/gGxHZR

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

2009年1月20日 星期二

纪检成现代“东西厂”?中国人人害怕的最大权力机构

永平来稿/中共哪个部门的权力最大?管人事的组织部,还是管经济的发改委?或许都不是。因邓后中共再无威权人物,集体领导愈来愈依靠纪检监察系统控制和平衡权利,而在无官不贪的背景下,该系统整人方式五花八门,愈演愈烈,正演变成今日之“东西厂”,随未来中共核心人物进一步式微,该系统将终成尾大不掉之势,最终成左右中共政局的最大力量。

新年之际约会了一位朋友,茶间聊及内地经济形势,朋友一个劲叹息。他开有一家旅游公司,主要业务是内地的考察观光团。近因内地出国考察团突然减少而生意萧条,言及未来,对内地形势不报乐观。朋友认为,关键不在经济,而在权利争夺已现乱象。

朋友说,前些天他接待内地某市考察观光团,团长(一位主管工业的副市长)是他多年旧友,该团长多次提醒他,要他一定安排好行程,一定要有考察,尤其是考察项目的时间内容一定要充分,要有记者的充分报道,考察之外,要把当地和带来的记者招待好。同时,随行的有两个很重要的人,一个是纪委的处长,一个是检察院的副处长。这两个人,团长要求考察项目时还是一定要让他们去,但要想办法让他们玩好。

朋友一面答应,一面笑旧友过敏。该副市长大叹一声说,你不知道啊,前些日子某地以考察为名实则出国旅游之事被网上曝光后,出外考察便成惹麻烦之事。以前出国旅游都是美差,一般是某个部门组织,找个企业出钱,再找一些平时要拉关系的部门,比如纪检、检察、组织部的人,给这些部门一些名额,就组团出去了,名光考察,其实就是花国家钱玩。

这次考察团本是另一个人带队,因为这位副市长马上要被提市长了,但现在的市长却想让另一个副市长上,就硬性派他带团来,一是关键时期让他不在国内,很多运作没有办法进行,二是设个套,如果出国出了什么丑闻,那可政治前途就全毁了。至于那两个纪委的人,一个是市长的人,就是来抓他的小辫子的;而那个检察院的,则是副市长的人,只要把他俩弄出去,他的人就会搞定那个市长的人。

朋友强调,这里面透出一种很不好的信号。由于他负责旅游接待工作,对于内地纪检系统的作法,多有耳闻。他说,如果高层中纪委还能听命于中央,那么在地方上,可能已经不是这种情况了。一些地方,纪委书记的权力实际上已经大过了市委书记。去年广西某市为同一个项目前后来过两拔考察团,一拔是市委书记带队,由一位副市长陪着,没有招商成功;而当市纪委书记(纪委书记竟然插手经济,所为何来?)来时,则是由市长陪着,带的全是该市的企业家,招商竟然成功了,连投资者都知道谁更厉害。

他听团里的人闲谈时,就能感受到该市纪委书记的权力实际上已经大过了市委书记。那个市委书记提了好几次人事,都被纪委书记否了,两个人斗得不可开交,直到纪委书记通过纪检手段,把市委书记提拔的组织部长送进监狱,双方才最后妥协,在人事安排的问题,两个人从此就是一半对一半。现在省纪委的一个处长,就会让地方市委书记发抖打颤。现在跑部进钱是明面,更重要的是跑纪委保官。

朋友的话,让我想起了那个郴州市原纪委书记曾锦春,在郴州市不就是一手遮天嘛。民间社会,多把现在的纪检系统称作“东西厂 ”,因为其权力早就超过了反腐职能,勾制罪名打击对手,顺我者昌,逆我者亡,手段无所不用其极。明朝为巩固皇权,强化专制,先后建立了锦衣卫、东厂、西厂等特务机构,对各级官员、百姓的日常生活进行全面监督,享有生杀予夺的大权。锦衣卫的创立者明太祖朱元璋惩贪法网之密布、行刑之严酷,甚至将贪官剥皮示众,营造了一个极其严酷肃杀的氛围。

但贪污腐败之风并未就此收敛,因为锦衣卫本身就是个黑窝。明成祖为了镇压政治上的反对力量,设立了“东厂”,主要职责就是监视政府官员、社会名流、学者等各种政治力量,严酷打击反对派。东厂在设立之初,就由宦官担任提督,由于其镇压手段之残酷,甚至罗织罪名制造了大量冤假错案,而为中国历史上一个污点。

东西厂最终不仅没有抑止明王朝的腐败,而且制造了最大的腐败,明武宗即位,信用宦官。得宠的宦官刘瑾掌司礼监,邱聚掌东厂,谷大用掌西厂,互为声援,势倾中外。刘瑾又矫诏设立内厂,由自己管领,比东、西厂更残酷。刘瑾专权时期,整个明朝官僚集团贪污成风,吏治败坏到了极点。刘瑾的家财有金一千二百余万两,银二亿五千余万两,只此银子一项即相当于明朝六十年的国税收入。

而现在的纪检监察部门,他们一般办什么案,查谁,也完全不是由谁腐败而决定的,而是权力斗争的方向决定的,他们的主子让查谁,他们就查谁,或谁伤害了纪检监察部门权力人物的利益,他们就查谁。查的方法就太多了。最常用的方法大搞逼供信,本质上与东西厂没有什么区别。一是有罪推定,前提当然是无官不贪。找个借口先把要打倒的人关起来,再查罪证,一般都是被查人心虚,在上了手段的情况下,难有不交待的,据说手段之酷烈,有些人受不了,连小时候偷过一只鸡的事情都招了出来。

二是从被查人亲信下手。纪检监察部门的办案人员,手里都有大把空白的传唤证、搜查证、居留证等相关政法部门的证明(这就是“依法办案”),按需要,不经有关部门同意,随时开具,比如,给某个企业家开个税务稽查通知,把企业家带到某处“协助调查”。然后告诉企业家,不是查你,而是查某个领导,只要你能指认那个领导在经济上有问题,你就没事了。在利诱威逼下,企业家只要协助提供证明。

郴州市原纪委书记曾锦春,就把纪委变成了他自己的“东厂”,敢与他争利的党员、干部,一律“双规”。从2002年开始,曾锦春越来越频繁地借助“双规”手段,参与矿产利益的控制与掠夺。有多位受访官员说,一些官员因不愿将煤矿审批权交给他而被“双规”调查,或因得罪其本人而被调查和威胁。

曾锦春不仅不是一个特例,而且可能正演变为常例。长此下去,纪检监察将成为中共内部人人害怕的最大权力机构。如果这种人治体制没有根本变化,未来中共的权力体制,肯定将以纪检监察为核心构筑。为了巩固自己的权力,未来的总书记或许要在目前身兼党政军三职的基础上,再兼一职——当代东西厂总督。

2009年1月19日 星期一

中国民族主义再解码

来源:南风窗

作者:沈旭晖

围绕着北京奥运火炬传递,海外华人以群众运动的方式进行声援;而到了毒奶粉事件,却没有多少反对声音传递到国内。这是海外华人的民族主义行为颇受诟病的地方。但据笔者掌握的信息,奥运前后的海外群众运动,其诉求是多种多样的,而海外华人对毒奶粉一事亦相当反感、相当尴尬,只是没有公开通过群众运动的方式进行表达。

如果我们重构过去10年中国的民族主义思潮,当能明白民族主义已成了有独立个性、可被不同演绎的有机生命体,并非单是爱不爱国这样铁板一块。

“九九的一代”

在国际政治的政治心理学范畴,有一个“世代政治论”。根据学者杰维斯 (Robert Jervis)的《国际政治的知觉与错觉》,一个人的政治观,最容易被他的教育、家庭、成长时的国家背景、以及他第一次直接参与的群众运动影响,因为那会成为心理的长久烙印。在内地,我们熟悉“长征的一代”、“文革的一代”、“八九的一代”,这些都是一代人的集体回忆、集体亢奋或集体阴影,纪录了整个时代的群众特征,要一代人做另一代人的事,十分困难。在香港,近年也有社会学者吕大乐掀起的“四代香港人”论述,激起了连串讨论。内地现在已到了“九九的一代”——那些首次参与大规模群众活动,就是以游行示威抗议1999 年5月8日北约“误炸”中国驻南斯拉夫贝尔格莱德使馆的一代。对这代人的心路历程,内地的年轻作家早有详细描述。但这代人心中的体验,究竟是什么?

回顾当年,南斯拉夫炸馆示威爆发后,美国驻京大使馆受到猛烈冲击,美国大使在窗内无奈外望的照片,被西方媒体争相转载,成为北京又出现盲目仇外的“义和团” 的证明。但政府在第三天,就严令终止一切集会,来控制群众的爱国热情,对此,当事人应记忆犹新。表面上,这是国家怕群众失控、过分冲击外国利益,例如有 CNN 女记者采访示威时,被情绪高涨的群众围攻说“杀死她”,这明显有失文明国家体统,造成相当负面的国际形象。

但事实上,更严峻的挑战,是示威人士批判政府的口号。例如据《明报月刊》等以知识分子为对象的香港媒体透露,当时有口号批评中国政府过分软弱、说怀念起毛主席、赞扬俄罗斯总统叶利钦的强硬,甚或在涂上希特勒胡子的克林顿肖像前,号召解放军杀入科索沃,援助“我们的南斯拉夫兄弟”。一时间,《中国可以说不》一类数年前的仇外旧书,又重新被热卖,各式各样的北约阴谋论吹得甚嚣尘上。自此,政府并不担心国民不够爱国,却担心政府被批评不够爱国。有海外评论说“中国民族主义是收放自如”,其实,现实世界是难以完全掌握的。

亲疏有别

两年后的2001年,也就是美国总统乔治·布什上台后不久,在南海发生中美撞击事件,中国扣留了美军机员,造成对峙局面。连串外交风波后中国产生了机师王伟这名新烈士,在民众和学院层面的评论,甚至出现担心中美出现新冷战的危言耸听。但这次却没任何反美示威出现。官方处理1999年和2001年两事的偏差,表面上,是源自群众和官方立场的背离:在南斯拉夫炸馆事件中,北京拒绝承认这是意外,起码在诉求上,和群众比较一致。但在撞机事件中,政府反而希望将之定性为意外、而不是任何阴谋,只要美方愿意道歉,就情愿息事宁人,以免事态继续扩大。

到了同年数个月后的9·11事件,中国民间和学校充斥着不少以支持拉丹借题发挥的反美言论,令政府大为尴尬。但是,国家不可能容许反美声音在那个时候发声,否则会成为国际社会的“政治不正确”罪人。据说有中国记者团在美国交流期间,在机场看见9·11事件的直播,兴奋得手舞足蹈拍起掌来,结果被美国驱逐出境,这事《许昌日报》的记者有第一手的回忆报道与澄清。9·11后,中国境内也出现了不少民间自制的拉丹肖像衣服,造型和位置与革命英雄切·格瓦拉一模一样,以示中国人民对“新英雄”的支持。但这类直接反应,毕竟为数不多,而且在中国主流媒体,也得不到多少报道。

到了2003年,伊拉克战争开战前夕,一般华人都普遍同情伊拉克、厌恶布什的单边主义作风。一度在9·11后被官方打压的反美主义,才得到授权的宣泄。 500多名新左派学者更乘机联署,重申反对美国出兵伊拉克,顺道暗讽中国的自由主义者,牵头的不乏学术界和文化界名人——因为自由主义者在9·11后,也搞过400多人参加的大规模联署,题目就是教民族主义者十分不舒服的“今夜我们是美国人”,当时同样包括不少头面人物,对此对立阵营一直心有不甘。在 2003年,北京的官方外交态度是反对美国绕过联合国出兵、支持法德俄外交同盟,但又不能对萨达姆政权表示任何同情,因此,想出了一个“三级层递制”,来回应申办反美示威的人:

“第一级”被应用于在北京居住的外国人,他们的反战声音局限在纯外交层面,和中国官方几乎一致,因此,被准许游行到美国驻华大使馆——这是1999 年美国使馆被冲击以来,这条示威路线首次被批准。“第二级”被应用于学生团体,他们原来要求在美国使馆门前示威,被拒,不过得以在校园内进行小规模游行,也算意思意思,这已是5年来的异数。“第三级”被应用于似乎应该是最爱国的新左派学者。这个新左示威原也被批准,但后来因为出现重重障碍而取消了。

由此可见,表面上最爱国的一群,却成了官方处理民族主义“亲疏有别”的受害人。这也许因为他们对政府而言最难控制,但更重要的是,他们对国家其它政策也有同样兴趣,不像一般大学生、中学生,只看重民族主义的表面宣泄,可以通过书记、读书会、评核报告“晓以大义”加以疏导;更不像无根的外国人,真的只看重外交姿态。不过,说这些大题目要是单刀直入则过分敏感,以爱国之名,才可以畅所欲言。

借题发挥

在媒体讨论区和网上讨论区,“爱国”群众借题发挥的倾向,就更明显、也更有创意。著名的网络虚拟爱国大本营 (或自由主义者眼中的“愤青大本营”)《强国论坛》,就是在1999 年5月出现,它的原名,就是“反对北约空袭中国驻南使馆论坛”。当时的论坛内容,充满对3名丧生中国记者烈士的同情,强调“他们的血不会白流”、重申“中国人民不可侮”,更有网民自发为他们设立了网上悼念馆,用虚拟方式对烈士上香——这些,还是比较内敛的。

到了南海撞机事件,由于群众缺乏公开示威的渠道,网上悼念机师王伟烈士的文章,就显得充满针对性;而网上悼念王伟的人数,也远超悼念南斯拉夫三烈士的人数。例如一首在网络发表的名叫《王伟,你在哪里》的“新诗”,就有“强盗要回家了”、“虚伪的人又要庆祝人权的胜利”、“魔鬼再次成功显示其普世价值”、“通过践踏我们国土的尊严和人类的灵魂”等诗句,对政府处理的不满溢于言表。

到了9·11,中国官方加入美国主导的反恐同盟,网上却充斥一片歌颂拉丹的声音,不少网民高呼“炸得好”、美国人“该死”、向拉丹和基地组织“致敬”,官方和民间就民族主义的立场,又出现了二元落差,而且,这次落差比1999年的南斯拉夫炸馆事件更大。《强国论坛》至今保留有一个完善的旧数据库,但2001年9月12日和 13日的档案不复存在,似乎内容太教人尴尬了。但我们通过其它途径﹐依然能够追溯一些当时的网络内容。

例如在北京大学的BBS讨论区,出现了一首名叫《无畏者无惧》、副题“哀悼9·11劫机英雄”的新诗”,内有如下诗句:“强盗希望以借口掩饰自己的罪恶”、 “他们喜欢说什么人权高于主权”、“今天你们代表上帝行正义之事”、“毫不犹疑地刺穿强盗的胸膛”……从这些字句细心研究,可发现这首诗的作者和《王伟,你在哪里》的作者就算不是同一人,也明显是信奉同一意识形态的人。他们都对世界局势感到不满,对中国的角色感到无助,认为国家应有更照顾民族尊严的处理手法。

后来在伊拉克战争期间,北京容许局部反美示威,和群众意愿又交接上了,因此网络上的反政府信息也相对减弱了;就是新左派和自由主义者的小圈子,也只是集中在意识形态层面继续交锋。在新诗方面,顶多出现了网民顶包“萨达姆”仿效毛泽东创作的新版《沁园春·雪》,并没多少指桑骂槐的空间。

双刃剑

由此可见,政府的最大担心,并非爱国热情本身的走火,而是它会否通过爱国的大框架,连带触及国民对其它政府施政的不满。举例说,假如是新左派认为政府不够爱国,他们就可以顺带批评官方经济政策容许贫富悬殊,又或国家过分放纵地方政府自行其事,并以南斯拉夫解体的经历警惕之;假如是自由主义者认为政府不够爱国,他们就可以暗示领导人不懂得通过民选制度整合爱国思想,才逼使他们以激进方式宣泄;假如是一个环保学者、人权学者、经济学者,也可以各取所需。这些,可说都是“拿红旗反红旗”的传统智慧,中国民族主义在现有体制下,至今依然是一把双刃剑。

奥运举行前,海外华人忽然热烈拥护北京、声讨CNN,但其实,内里也出现了批评中国为奥运让步太多的声音,甚至也出现了对办奥运投入的庞大资源是否值得的质疑。相较而言,毒奶粉事件的性质,就缺少了供不同立场的群众演绎的空间。当然,海外华人都明白,这事让他们的形象大为受损,网络也充满了“毒奶事件海外华人能做什么”、“毒奶粉让海外华人丢尽脸面”一类文章,甚至还延伸至中华民族整体的诚信问题;外文媒体引述的华人,对此更是一致劣评,何况他们的餐饮生意,也直接身受其害。

不过另一方面,在纽约、伦敦等西方大都会,少数华人亦曾向CNN或其它西方广播媒体游行示威抗议,认为对方报道再次失实。不过,这次“拿着红旗反红旗”的策略较难贯彻,因为为此举办的批评毒奶粉活动,在新左派眼中,容易被对中国不友好的西方媒体骑劫,也容易落入自由主义知识分子的常用话语。而为此举办的反西方报道立场偏颇运动,则容易被进一步边缘化为“声援毒奶粉游行”,形象只会更不堪。因此,对事件无论持什么立场,都难以成为大规模群众运动的突破口。中国民族主义的密码游戏,似乎会一直延续下去,留待下一波运动的借题发挥,也留待下一批解码使者的出现。

(作者为香港中文大学亚太研究所助理教授,国际关系研究室主任)

2009年1月18日 星期日

喜看罗马惨遭我国叁仟伍佰肆拾肆名壮士抵制

达赖被授予荣誉市民 八成中国网民抵制赴罗马旅游

环球网 于January 18, 2009

意大利罗马政府宣布将在下月邀请达赖接受该市“荣誉市民”的称号,此举引发了中国网民的愤怒,逾八成中国网民表示,将通过抵制赴罗马旅游来表达抗议。

  法新社14日报道,罗马市长詹尼.阿雷曼诺的一名发言人称,达赖原本去年秋天就可以获得这个称号,但由于健康原因未能前往罗马,现在罗马市政府又发出邀请,但“他(达赖)还没有确认是否能来”。

  在环球网15日所做的“是否应抵制赴罗马旅游?”的第一话题调查中,截至17日下午16时,共有4040位网友参与投票。其中有87%的网友将票投给了“正方”,表示“应该抵制赴罗马旅游”。另有496票投给了“反方”,反方网友认为,没有必要因此就抵制赴罗马旅游。

  在支持正方的3544名网友中,许多网友都对罗马市再次借达赖问题说事儿的做法表示愤慨,“罗马市政府的行为是在挑衅中国人民”。许多网友共同发出了 “抵制”的呼声。“所有想去国外旅游的中国人,第一选项就是删除去罗马旅游”。一位网友说:“看来这些欧洲国家真的是‘给脸不要脸了’,应该好好地教育他们一下。”

  还有网友对比前段时间因萨科齐执意会见达赖而激起中国民愤的事件说:“抵制是必要的。中国在世界的地位越来越重要,不能他国任意践踏我们的尊严,也不允许他们恣意干预我国内政。就让我们人民来从小事做起,捍卫中国的尊严和地位。让那些有对我们不敬的老外见识一下他们犯下的错给他们国家带来的惨痛教训。

  不少网友还幽默地把全球经济形势与此次时间联系在一起。有网友提议,与其去罗马旅游,不如将这笔钱在国内消费,这样既刺激了内需,又抗议了罗马市的行为,可谓“一举两得”。

  也有网友将票投给了反方,认为“没必要抵制赴罗马旅游”。有网友认为,没必要总是以“抵制”来体现自己的愤怒,“罗马不是一天建成的,中国也不是,不必把罗马看得太重”。还有网友直言不讳地说“没钱去罗马旅游”。不过,对于这种反方网友的想法,正方网民显然不慎赞同,他们认为:“虽然我们暂时没钱去意大利旅游,但是作为一个中国人,我们仍应该抵制一切危害中国利益的国家和行为。

2009年1月17日 星期六

内有谣言,请务必站稳立场,批判阅读

古德明:徐氏家训写尽中国官场为官之道

苹果日报/江苏建设厅前厅长徐其耀儿子的信终于流传人口了。教诲内容,约而言之,是「当官唯一目的无非攫取利益」,因此「要把假话当做事实,要拍马屁搞关係,要利及上下以求提拔、支持」。至于法律,「制订者只求律人,无意律己,遵不遵守须审势而定,否则从宽从严都不对」。这篇徐氏家训情理兼备,写尽了新中国为官之道。

旧中国官场流传的,是另一种家教,其中范滂家最为堪诵。东汉末年,宦官当权,要诛杀李膺、杜密、范滂等刚正大臣。范滂不忍连累他人,谢绝了县令弃官和他逃亡的好意,跟母亲诀别,母亲他从容就义:「汝今得与李、杜齐名,死亦何恨?」范滂跪拜受,回头小儿子说:「吾欲使汝为恶,则恶不可为;使汝为善,则我不为恶。」他不为恶,结果是三十三岁斧钺加身,但临终还是子去恶行善(《后汉书.党锢列传》)。

唐朝时,监察御史李畲领得官米,比应得斛数稍多,向母亲解释说:「御史米,不概也(每斛不必刮平)。」他母亲很不高兴,切责儿子,命他马上把馀米归还官仓。这和宋朝包拯示子孙名训前后映照:「后世子孙仕宦,有犯赃者,不得放归本家,死不得葬大茔(家族墓地)中。不从吾志,非吾子若(与)孙也。」(《新唐书.列女传》、《宋史.包拯传》)。

徐其耀二○○○年遭中共以受贿罪名拘捕,受贿所得据说不过二千多万元,全部没收上缴。上缴给谁,我们不知道,但我们知道中共历代领袖家训,和徐家其实一般无二。

邓小平主政时,女邓榕获台湾商人敬赠香港一华宅,转手卖了六百万元;长女邓林来港办画展,一幅未入门国画标价三十五万元,获港商以双倍价钱买下,邓小平知道了,笑道:「你的画真是那麽值钱吗?」

江泽民主政时,儿子江恒绵用几百万元就买得价值上亿元的上海联合投资公司。他向中国银行、建设银行予取予求几十亿元的传闻,至今还是甚嚣尘上。

今天,胡锦涛、温家宝主政。温家宝儿子温云松改名易姓,接受平安保险董事长马明哲七十三亿元的平安保险股票,于是广东《新财富》杂志二○○三年中国富豪排行榜上前十名出现了一位身世不明相片不见的「郑建源」。胡锦涛儿子胡海更是公然无忌,一举手就夺得政府几十亿元机场保安检测仪器合约。

《贞观政要》记载了唐太宗子的原则:「每一食,便念稼穑之艰难;每一衣,则思纺绩之辛苦。」《续资治通鑑》也记载了宋太宗子的诏书:「汝等生长深宫,须克己励精,听卑纳谏。每着一衣,则悯蚕妇;每餐一食,则念耕夫。」现在中共一代接一代都说「要建设有中国特色的社会主义」,但我国特色应该不是邓榕邓林江绵郑建源胡海等等。

也许,「有中国特色」五字只是徐其耀家训的另一注。徐氏家训有言:「要把假话当做事实。」

RFI:政协委员提出在上海设立示威区的提案

发表日期 16/01/2009 更新日期 16/01/2009 14:43 TU

在上海市政协第十一届委员会第二次会议期间,当地党报《解放日报》副总编辑毛用雄递交提案《关于上海设立示威区的建议》。这份提案建议称,在上海某个不过分影响公共交通、又相对独立的区域,比如公园,设立法定的示威区,在法律框架内允许不同人群去表达意愿。同时发展各类非政府组织,代表不同人群利益,进行正常的利益博奕;
毛用雄在提案中称,现在群访闹访越来越频繁,不仅全会、两会,连某些官员会露面的普通场合,只要有预告,都会有市民等着上访,有些酿变成群体事件。
他引述的官方数据显示,2008年上海市信访办受理群众信访事项20余万件(批),近千人定期闹访,各单位为此不断花费人力财力。毛用雄在提案中表示,这些社会矛盾的主要表现并不是政治诉求,而是不同群体间的利益冲突。这其中,一方面是利益问题容易通过经济手段解决,不会危及政权稳定。
他建议,因此,应理性地看待社会冲突,建立一种正常的利益和民意表达机制,包括设立示威区域,引导冲突在一定范围内,以适当方式解决。
《财经》网站报道说,上海市委书记俞正声也在发言中说,与其过去任职地区相比,上海利益矛盾的调解非常困难,2008年他个人也曾两次接访,但都无法与上访户达成一致意见。俞正声介绍,上海的上访问题80%集中在动拆迁方面,其中既有过去政府野蛮拆迁造成的问题,也有部分动迁户的不合理诉求,各种问题长期累积得不到解决。
示威区的设立在中国已有先例,但目前国内尚无常设的示威区。北京奥运会期间,北京丰台区的世界公园、海淀区的紫竹院公园和朝阳区的日坛公园曾被作为示威区,但最终并无一例申请获批。

2009年1月16日 星期五

孔捷生:胡锦涛的招牌句法和文宣班底

苹果日报/笔者曾概括胡锦涛的招牌句法是「既要」和「也要」以及「既不」和「也不」。这于胡氏既係立言,也是立身之道,故此方能在漫长的储君岁月中熬过无数风涛。如今这一公式已不止于立身,更要用来立业了。

胡锦涛纪念改革开放三十周年的讲话,提出「不动摇、不懈怠、不折腾」。此语一出,讚誉蜂起:胡主席的「三不表述鲜活有力,耐人寻味」;其中不折腾之句「老百姓感到很亲切」云云。如此擦鞋只怕用力太过了吧?岂非暗喻胡主席以前的党八股语言不鲜不活,老百姓觉得很不「亲切」?

笔者早就批评过胡锦涛的文宣班底,致使胡的报告演讲瘪乏味,三纸无驴(典出《颜氏家训》:「博士买驴,书券三纸,未有驴字」)。后来想深一层,这并非秘书之过,在这个东方专制之国,不是文如其人,而是「文如其主」。

毛泽东喜欢「二乔」(胡乔木、乔冠华)的文笔,非因他们写得好,而是二乔对毛的文风参悟得最透彻。毛泽东文革中在天安门城楼上宣读《五二○声明》,原先由外交部起草,几易其稿,毛都看不上。末了还是乔冠华执笔,通篇都是世界革命「红色教宗」的居高临下口吻,这才对老毛的脾胃。

及至邓小平时代,二乔不吃香了。中共「里程碑式」的三中全会决议,原由胡乔木执笔,邓小平不满意,最后胡耀邦点名阮铭执笔,这才通过。而阮铭其后在「反自由化」中被开除党籍,这真是历史的反讽。文如其主,几代「核心」数下来,还是胡锦涛最逊。故而「不折腾」便语惊四座,如同党八股的咸鱼货蹦出了一尾生勐海鲜,果真鲜活得很,转瞬间便成为最「雷」人潮语!只是「折腾」这词就像《卧虎藏龙》周润发口中的「江湖」一样,很难繙译。于是西夷脆不译而照搬,中国「盛世」了「崛起」了,现代汉语对世界文化岂能没有一点贡献?

我甚至怀疑胡主席听取了鄙人谏言,我早就力荐「团派」的真正精英李大同、卢跃刚(《中国青年报》冰点周刊前正副总编)进入核心文宣班子。看来似无可能,这两位都很能「折腾」,绝非「不折腾」的信徒。李、卢均係我的笔友,惜乎因《冰点》事件投閒置散,成了草泽遗贤。我和卢跃刚结识更早,只知他现係行走江湖的独行侠,风尘僕僕地遍访赵紫阳的故旧,为的是撰写《赵紫阳传》。及至成书之日,会不会被「不折腾」的圣谕一举封杀?实在不得而知。

方老师舟子关于感冒流涕的论述

“感冒”并非“伤风”

·方舟子·

感冒是指病毒引起的急性上呼吸道感染,由流感病毒引起的为流行性感冒,由其他病毒(多达一百多种,以鼻病毒、冠状病毒最常见)引起的为普通感冒。二者的症状很相似,但是其实是两种不同的疾病。本文说的感冒如果没有特别说明,都是指普通感冒。一个成年人平均一年要得两、三回感冒,它是最常见的、也是最被误解的疾病之一,许多临床医生也对之存在错误的认识。

中国古代医学认为感冒是风邪由皮毛、口鼻乘虚而入引起的。有人认为风邪就相当于病毒,即便如此,这种说法也弄错了感冒病毒进入人体的途径。感冒病毒并不能由皮毛、口腔进入人体,它的入口是鼻腔(有时也从眼睛进入,但也是经由泪管抵达鼻腔)。鼻腔粘膜上长有纤毛,这些纤毛会从前向后摆动,把粘在上面的东西往鼻咽部送去。进入鼻腔的病毒就这样被纤毛送到了鼻腔后部的淋巴组织——腺样体。腺样体细胞的表面有一种叫“细胞间粘附分子”(简称ICAM)的受体。每种受体有专门和它结合的配体,但是感冒病毒却能冒充ICAM的配体,和ICAM结合,让ICAM把它送进细胞内。

感冒病毒进入腺样体细胞后,就把细胞劫持了,利用细胞内的设备大量地复制病毒。被感染的细胞最终死亡、破裂,释放出新复制的病毒,去感染其他细胞。感冒病毒的感染能力非常强,很少量(1~30个感冒病毒颗粒)的感冒病毒就足以导致感染,而且感冒病毒一旦进入鼻腔,95%的人都会被感染。

感冒症状通常在病毒感染2~5天以后出现。被感冒病毒感染的细胞只占鼻细胞的一小部分,对鼻粘膜的损害很轻微。感冒症状主要不是由于病毒造成的损害导致的,而是人体免疫系统对病毒感染做出的反应。感冒病毒感染了鼻细胞后,人体免疫系统发现了入侵者,就会像对待其他入侵者一样做出反应,释放出许多称为“炎症介质”的生物活性物质,例如组胺、激肽、前列腺素等等。这些炎症介质引起血管扩张、通透性增加、白细胞和分泌液渗出,于是就导致了鼻腔堵塞、流鼻涕。炎症介质也能刺激神经系统的喷嚏、咳嗽反射和痛觉。

实验表明,感冒完全是由于病毒感染引起的,挨冻并不能增加患感冒的风险。为什么世界各地的人都普遍认为“着凉”、“伤风”会导致感冒呢?可能有几个因素引起了误解。感冒在冬天较常见,这是由于在冬天人们多数时间呆在门窗禁闭的室内,因此感冒病毒在冬天容易传播,会让人误以为是寒冷引起了感冒。患者被感冒病毒感染后在感冒症状出现之前有时会先发烧,感到寒冷、颤抖,之后发现自己感冒了就以为是着凉引起的,其实是倒果为因。此外,在挨冻时会流鼻涕,也容易让人误会那是感冒。

有些医生知道感冒是病毒引起的,不过他们认为着凉会降低人的免疫力,因此容易招致感冒病毒入侵。然而实验已表明只要感冒病毒进入鼻腔,几乎所有的人都会被感染,可见与着凉与否、免疫力的高低是没有关系的。并不是所有被感冒病毒感染的人都会出现症状,大概75%的人有症状。那么那些没有症状的被感染者是不是因为其免疫力强呢?情形可能恰好相反。感冒症状是由于人体正常的免疫反应引起的,没有症状反倒有可能表明其免疫系统不够活跃。

既然感冒与着凉无关,避免吹风、注意保暖并不能预防感冒。感冒病毒的主要传播“中介”是手,是接触过感冒患者或粘有感冒病毒的物体表面的手,那么勤洗手、避免用手碰鼻子和眼睛,以减少感冒病毒进入鼻腔的机会,是更可靠的预防感冒的方法。国内有药厂宣传“常服维C防感冒”,但是多项临床对比试验表明服用维生素C对预防或治疗感冒都没有效果。

要治愈感冒,就必须杀死或抑制体内的感冒病毒,而目前并没有药物被证明能够抗普通感冒病毒——针对流感病毒的抗病毒药物倒是有,例如磷酸奥斯他韦(商品名达菲),但它并不能用以治疗普通感冒。国内医院普遍使用抗生素治疗感冒,其实抗生素是抗细菌的,并不能抗病毒。有些医生辩解说他们这是为了防止继发细菌感染。虽然感冒偶尔会并发细菌感染,但是用抗生素防止细菌感染是无效的。

市场上卖的感冒药并不能治愈感冒,最多只能缓解感冒症状,最常见的是解热镇痛药扑热息痛(又叫对乙酰氨基酚)用于退烧和缓解头痛,以及抗过敏药扑尔敏(又叫马来酸氯苯那敏)用于减少鼻粘液分泌和缓解鼻塞。市场上治疗感冒的中成药也都普遍添加了这类西药,让患者觉得有疗效。香港、台湾药检部门多次在大陆产的治感冒中成药中检测出没有标明的西药成分。

感冒是一种自限性疾病,通常一周左右就会自愈,但是人们得了感冒后总喜欢求医问药打点滴,还有人抱怨到医院治个感冒就花几百块钱,真是何苦呢。

2008.12.27

(《中国青年报》2008.12.31)

(XYS20081231)



我们为什么会流鼻涕?

·方舟子·

我们通常在感冒、鼻腔发炎的时候才会注意到鼻涕的存在,那样子可不太雅观。其实鼻腔里每时每刻都有鼻涕,也离不开鼻涕,它是保护身体的一道屏障:鼻涕防止鼻腔粘膜干燥,湿润吸进的空气,粘住由空气中吸入的灰尘、花粉、微生物,以免它们刺激呼吸道或引起感染。

一个健康人的鼻子每天要处理几百毫升的鼻涕。但是我们并没有天天都在流鼻涕,这么多的鼻涕跑哪去了?一小部分蒸发掉了,一小部分干结成了鼻屎,但是大部分——听了别恶心——被我们吞到肚子里去了。鼻腔粘膜上长着纤毛,这些纤毛会从前向后摆动,鼻涕也就被往后送到咽部。因为鼻腔和食道是相通的,所以大部分的鼻涕都被我们不知不觉地吞咽下去了。

这听上去虽然恶心,但对人体并无害。鼻涕的成分除了水,还有蛋白质、碳水化合物、盐以及一些脱落的细胞。鼻涕中的蛋白质主要是粘蛋白,它是一种糖蛋白,被由碳水化合物组成的“糖衣”包着,这使得它能大量地吸收水分。鼻涕中的其他蛋白质还包括抗体和溶菌酶,能够杀灭细菌、病毒。这些成分会做为营养素被胃肠消化、吸收。当然,鼻涕中还含有粘住的灰尘、花粉、微生物,不过这些杂质胃酸对付得了,不会给身体造成麻烦。

有一部分鼻涕其实是眼泪。眼睛中的泪腺也无时无刻在制造泪水湿润眼睛,我们之所以不会整天泪眼汪汪,是因为这些泪水都从连接眼睛和鼻腔的泪管流到鼻子里,成为鼻涕的一部分。如果你大哭起来,一部分眼泪从眼角流出,大部分还是涌进鼻腔,让你的鼻子“抽泣”,就有了“一把鼻涕一把泪”。

不过大部分的鼻涕是鼻粘膜自己分泌的。鼻粘膜含有一种形状像高脚杯的细胞——所以叫杯状细胞。杯状细胞制造出很多粘蛋白,粘蛋白被释放到细胞外头后,大量地吸收水分,体积能膨胀600倍。杯状细胞一天只需要制造1毫升的粘蛋白,就足以满足鼻腔的正常需要了。

如果鼻腔受到了刺激或被感染,鼻涕的分泌量就会激增,这很自然,因为鼻涕的一个主要功能就是要清除吸入的杂质嘛。例如,感冒病毒入侵了鼻细胞,或者过敏体质的人吸入了花粉、粉尘,免疫系统就会制造相应的抗体试图消灭这些抗原。抗体分布在鼻腔中的肥大细胞的表面上,肥大细胞的内部含有大量的一种叫组胺的活性物质,抗原和抗体结合后,就会刺激肥大细胞把组胺释放出去。组胺进而刺激杯状细胞制造更多的粘蛋白,也就产生了更多的鼻涕。同时,组胺也能引起血管扩张、通透性增加,血液中的水分渗出来,白细胞也跟着跑出来要消灭病原体。这不仅进一步增加了鼻涕的量,而且导致了鼻腔堵塞。过量的鼻涕一部分流了出来,还有一部分被堵在了后头。

所以鼻塞、流鼻涕其实是免疫系统给我们制造的不适,是一种过敏反应。组胺需要和细胞表面的组胺受体相结合才会有这些作用,那么如果能不让组胺与其受体结合,就可以减轻鼻塞、流鼻涕的症状。抗过敏药、感冒药经常用的就是这类组胺拮抗剂,例如马来酸氯苯那敏(又叫扑尔敏),它们和组胺竞争,抢着与组胺的受体结合,让组胺结合不上去,就抑制住了过敏反应。组胺拮抗剂经常与伪麻黄碱之类的减充血剂一起使用,后者可以让鼻腔的血管收缩,从而减轻鼻腔堵塞。把组胺拮抗剂、减充血剂以及解热镇痛药(例如对乙酰氨基酚,又叫扑热息痛)、镇咳药(例如右美沙芬)掺在一起,就成了很有效的复方感冒药。市场上著名的感冒药(例如“泰诺”、“白加黑”)的组成都基本相同,超不出这四种成分。

正常的鼻涕是无色透明的,也就是所谓清鼻涕。感冒时一开始流出的也是清鼻涕,之后鼻涕会变得浓一些,成了白色。再往后流出的就可能是绿色的浓鼻涕了,看上去就像脓一样,特别是如果继发了细菌感染,更是如此。为什么鼻涕成了绿色的了?和脓一样,因为它含有大量的嗜中性粒细胞。嗜中性粒细胞虽然属于白细胞,却是绿色的。

免疫系统发现有病原体入侵人体时,开始调兵遣将,嗜中性粒细胞就是最早赶到战场的。嗜中性粒细胞是被血液送来的,但是它却跑到血管之外作战。它是一种吞噬细胞,它的作战方式是把细菌“吃”进去,在细胞里用各种武器将病原体杀死。武器之一是向细菌释放消毒剂——次氯酸(家用漂白剂的主要成分)。次氯酸是由嗜中性粒细胞内的髓过氧物酶制造的,髓过氧物酶的结构和叶绿素有个共同点,都含有二氢卟酚环,这个特殊结构决定了它们的颜色:绿色。因此,浓鼻涕会是绿色的,是因为它含有很多嗜中性粒细胞,而嗜中性粒细胞又含有很多绿色的髓过氧物酶。

用来制作寿司芥末酱的山嵛菜的根茎也含有大量的类似的过氧物酶,所以做出的酱也是绿色的。幸好,山嵛菜刺鼻的辣味来自异硫氰酸,而不是过氧物酶——否则,流着辣辣的鼻涕该有多难受!

2009.1.11.

(《中国青年报》2009.1.14)

(XYS20090114)

2009年1月15日 星期四

喜看蠢党又折腾

这叫政绩工程,套经费工程,效果无所谓的,能骗来经费吃香的喝辣的,同时能向上边交差也就是了。

4月去看火苗的时候,同行的小宇姐姐问:为什么不在传递的同时播放才旦卓玛之类(以示支那对东躲的仁厚以及躲人对朝廷的爱戴)?这样不就能让示威者收敛些?

我跟他说:贵党的这套宣传要说有效,也只有在境内。出了边境,没人认帐(除了海外五毛)。

中国对西方对中国的态度不解?那中国就应该多了解西方。怎么倒过来,反要西方了解中国?这他妈什么逻辑?这是瞎折腾的逻辑,是能让胡折腾为代表的昏庸集团满意的逻辑。让世界了解中国?中国有什么值得了解的?

何况够了解的了。Wild China这样的片子,CCTV拍得出来么?更别说NHK那些纪录片。中国的一切都应该让先进民族来办才办得好。J'ai dit.




  问题不在于缺乏电视频道或对外媒体,而是在于,缺乏做得好的新闻媒体。如果新华社的新电视频道还是按照中央电视台现有的对外频道那样运作,还是由同样一群人来做决策,这将是注定要失败的。

  中国投巨资扩大全球影响力

  多维社记者纪群

  金融危机影响的范围和深度还在扩大中,当世界上许多媒体都在裁减员工,节约开支时,中国大陆的一些媒体却在忙著招聘外国专家,尤其是英语国家的新闻从业者,此举旨在从中国的中央政府最近增加的宣传预算中分到一部分。而中国政府增加宣传预算,目的就是扩大中国的全球影响力。

  改革开放下的传媒落后

  中南海博客(zhongnanhaiblog)网站刊登加拿大人凯恩·麦卡锡(Cam MacMurchy)一篇题为“中国花450亿元扩大媒体的全球影响力”(China spends 45 billion to extend media's global reach)的文章。文章中,凯恩·麦卡锡写道,“外国人看中国,与中国人自己看中国之间,有著一个很大的差距。”

  这是人民大学新闻学院院长喻国明教授根据他的观察作出的一个结论,这也是我们在相当长的一段时间里一直讨论的一个论点。在西藏的抗议和火炬接力的争议中,许多问题的产生,都是由于中国人的惊讶,他们惊讶于海外居然会对这些问题有如此强烈的反应,他们也惊讶于西方社会对中国官方观点的诅咒。

  确实,中国做到了成功地“改革开放”三十多年,但它却远远没有能做到成功地将中国的观点解释给国际社会,和说服外国人接受。

  南华早报1月13日刊登两篇文章,报导和评论中国政府对中国的对外传播媒体投资450亿元人民币一事。第一篇,题目是“北京用450亿元推动媒体面向全球”,说的是,那些能够拿出有价值的项目来提高中国国际形象的媒体机构,将可以获得政府提供的资金。第二篇题为“媒体为说英语者提供大量工作机会 ”(Big offers for English speakers in media jobs),说的是北京中央级的一些媒体正在密锣紧鼓地招聘能用英语工作的专业人员,包括编辑和记者。

  中央媒体争相“对外扩张”

  报导说,目前,中央电视台、新华社和人民日报都在密锣紧鼓地展开咨询,和邀请专家开会,集思广益,起草建议和计划。

  “新华社的计划是扩大其海外分社,从大约100个扩大到186个,”有关消息人士称,这意味著它将在全球的几乎每一个国家都开设分社。

  另一名消息人士说,新华社计划创建一个以亚洲为基础的24小时播出的电视台,向全球观众播出国际新闻。

  另一个不同的消息来源说:“我被邀请参加了两次会议,会议的主题是就建立这样一个电视台集思广益,它将不仅对我国广播新闻,而且是对世界各地。”

  媒体消息来源说,新华社是雄心勃勃的,志在建立一个像卡塔尔半岛电视台网络那样的“有影响力的和可信赖的”电视台。

  “新华社电视台,将彷效半岛电视台,在政治和时事议题上,享有比凤凰卫视还要大的言论自由,”一位消息灵通人士称。

  同时,人民日报下属的、以民族主义论调闻名的每日小报-《环球时报》,已决定今年5月推出英文版,成为继《中国日报》之后的中国第二份国有的英文报纸,该报已经开始招募英语编辑和记者。

  中央电视台已宣布推出今年开办阿拉伯语和俄语频道的计划,目前正积极扩大其海外记者队伍,并招募外语人才。

  对中国媒体人来说,这项计划的另一个好处是新增大量新的就业机会,这是南华早报第二篇题为“媒体为说英语者提供大量工作机会”(Big offers for English speakers in media jobs):

  中共组织部部长李源潮在08年12月一次讲话中,鼓励招聘带有“自由思想倾向”的海外人才。

  媒体的一位女士说,李源潮这个讲话的有效地解除了在吸引外国专业人材方面的政策限制,推动和保证了中央电视台的招聘外国人材的工作。

  同时,环球时报宣布了一项计划,聘用有英语专业知识的执行主编,副执行主编和60名记者,将于5月推出英文版。

  许多驻京外国媒体的英语记者说,他们已经收到《环球时报》提供的“极具竞争力的工资标准”,猎头活动也相当紧急,有的说提供住房,还给高薪。

  “我就被告知,一位编辑能得到30万元人民币的年薪,并且还提供一套住房。”一位记者说。

  中国新闻社主办的《中国新闻周刊》也正加紧准备在美国出版英文版。来自北京的消息说,该周刊将获得中新社2亿的资金支持。

  问题不在有无,而在优劣

  凯恩·麦卡锡写道,就共产主义意识形态来看,中国的计划从理论上说,是一个很好的传媒发展计划,毫无疑问,越来越有必要让中国的观点得到大讨论。既然卡塔尔可以拥有国际影响力的电视频道,当然中国也可以。而且也没有理由为什么纽约时报,卫报,英国广播公司,CNN等媒体就应该有一种不相称的影响力,让我们所耳闻目睹的,都是由他们来提供。

  每当我想起,每次我作客接受一家外国电台的访谈时,关于中国的观点和背景解释,从这个意义上看,是少得可怜的。但在我们开始考虑建立一个国际性的新华社电视频道之前,应当问一问,现在已经存在的CCTV 9(中央电视台第九频道)是怎么回事?CCTV 9本来不就是向世界展示中国形象和观点的吗?是不是说,有新的第二个出来,就不去改进已有的第一个了?

  将中国的情况告诉外国人,问题不在于缺乏电视频道或对外媒体,而是在于,缺乏做得好的新闻媒体。如果新华社的新的电视频道还是按照中央电视台现有的对外频道那样运作,还是由同样一群由他们说了算的终身共产党人来做决策,这将是注定要失败的。事实上,我们进一步看:只要一般媒体控制住了,对任何大陆官方媒体的控制就会比较宽松了。

  关键在于新闻自由

  这使我想到另外一点:媒体在中国的信誉。中国可以开设上百家媒体和使中国的观点在全球铺天盖地,但人们会像现在一样对它充满疑惑,因为,现在尽管中国各方面在进步,但是她仍然是一个一党专制的国家,党对所有的国内媒体有绝对的控制权。

  目前这种对媒体的投资在一定程度可能有助于宣传中国,就像这样一种情况:诚然,我们都知道,中国日报是中国政府的喉舌,但我们还是会去读它,因为我们必须要知道,政府的想法是怎样的,这份报纸能够提供一个对中国所发生事情的正统的的综述。

  一个新的新华社电视频道或者环球时报的新版可能提供的,都是相同的东西。于是,当一天结束的时候,人们会发现这是一种大量金钱的浪费。中国花钱是买不到自己的信誉的,即便是花450亿元。

  文章最后,麦卡锡写道,中国政府的新宣传计划要取得成功,必须给予新的国际电视台或报纸以自由,让他们自由地报导他们所想报导的东西。它需要在一个优质和良好的新闻系统上运行,而不是讲求资历和坚持党性原则,或者要忠诚于中国,这听起来有点过时,但是这是事实,是如今中国大陆的媒体仍然如此运行的事实。

打造“中国CNN”:新华社担纲

中国时报/据《纽约时报》报导,为打造中国的国际形象,中国将耗费钜资,将《中央电视台》、《新华社》、《人民日报》及《上海文广新闻传媒集团》推出海外,并将学习卡达《半岛电视台》模式,打造一个全天候电视新闻台,亦即中国版的CNN,但被选择担负起这项使命的并不是《中央电视台》,而是《新华社》。

 在全球媒体陷入寒冬的同时,大陆媒体受益于内部蓬勃的经济发展势头,个个荷包满满,因为许多抢夺大陆市场份额的外商,都会选择在大陆的电视、报纸上刊登广告。

 报导说,经常受西方主流媒体报导角度困扰的中共新闻主管部门,因此决定花笔大钱,将大陆媒体推进国际市场,让前述几家大型媒体集团在海外开设更多的分支机构,并开闢英语及其他更多语言频道,为中国的新形象发声。

 大陆《中央电视台》目前已经开设了英语、西班牙语、法语频道,未来考虑进一步开设阿拉伯语、俄语频道,近期正准备迁入被北京市民戏称为「大裤衩」的新大楼,但令人好奇的,是未来承担「中国版CNN」任务者,并不是《中央电视台》,而是《新华社》。

 曾经就相关议题接受政府部门谘询的中国人民大学新闻学院副院长喻国明表示,《新华社》确实计画取得开设一个廿四小时新闻电视频道的执照,届时该电视台将以英语向包含美国、欧洲在内的全世界播送新闻。

 根据早前的消息,,中国官方将拿出四五○亿元人民币(约二一六○亿台币)下发给各相关媒体,但喻国明指出,详细计画还没拟出,但主旨是已经拟定的了,就是要改善中国的国际形象,并可能因此接受较少的北京官方管控。他说:「政府已经决定要做了,但至于如何做、做什麽,他们还要继续研究。」

 即使如此,《纽约时报》指出,一些大陆新闻机构已经开始大举招聘新人,包括能说英语的华人及外国新闻从业人员,而一些符合资格的大陆媒体从业人员,对于是否要离乡背井出国工作,也已经思虑数月。